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@observer Sat, 19 Oct 2024 07:39:15

Equal Opportunities Commission land title vanishes, office relocated

The land title for the former offices of the Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC) in Bugoloobi has gone missing, according to a report by the Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities, and State Enterprises (COSASE). The report highlights concerns raised by the auditor general for the financial year ending June 2023, stating that the missing land title poses a significant risk to the Commission’s property. As per Treasury Instruction 2017, a government entity is considered to have control over land only if it possesses the title deed. The missing title for the Bugoloobi property, measuring approximately 0.180 hectares, was first noted in the financial year 2019/20. Efforts to recover the title have included filing a report with the police, submitting an application for a special title to the office of the Registrar of Titles, and placing a caveat on the land. Additionally, an application for a special title was submitted to the Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) land office. However, COSASE noted that despite these efforts, the application for a special certificate was lodged in May 2023, and as of over a year later, KCCA has not issued the certificate. The committee commended the accounting officer’s actions to secure the property and urged the KCCA land office to expedite the issuance of the special title within one month from the date of the report’s adoption. A formal report on the progress was requested to be submitted to parliament. RELOCATION AND RENTAL COSTS AT KINGDOM KAMPALA The report also highlighted that the EOC has moved its offices from Bugoloobi to Kingdom Kampala, where they are renting 2,300 square metres of space at an annual cost of Shs 2.5 billion. This relocation has left the Bugoloobi property vacant and at risk of being grabbed, especially since the property has not been listed in the government asset register. EOC officials explained that the Bugoloobi premises are no longer adequate to meet their operational needs. The site is reportedly too small to accommodate staff, tribunal sessions, and other facilities such as a resource centre, boardroom and stores. Additionally, they claimed that the building is dilapidated, with leaking roofs and flooding during the rainy season due to its location in a wetland. However, the MPs questioned the rationale behind the decision to rent office space at such a high cost. They suggested that the Shs 2.5 billion annual rental fees could be better utilized to renovate and expand the Bugoloobi property in phases. Furthermore, the claim that the premises are located in a wetland was disputed by the MPs, as no evidence supported this, and they raised concerns about the omission of the property from the government asset register. The committee called on the relevant authorities to address these issues and ensure the proper management of the EOC’s assets. {loadposition inarticle}

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@observer Sat, 19 Oct 2024 08:44:00

New book reveals Museveni’s clash with Britain over Russia

In his book, Unleashed, Boris Johnson offers an engaging and often revealing account of his experiences as both British foreign secretary and prime minister, with a particular focus on his travels in Africa. Johnson’s reflections are marked by his characteristic wit and directness, as he delves into the complexities of diplomacy, especially hisinteractions with African leaders, most notably Uganda’s president Yoweri Museveni. Throughout the book, Johnson emphasizes the desire for “more Britain” in Africa, positioning himself as a leader who made significant efforts to strengthen ties with the continent. He proudly notes that he visited more African nations than any foreign secretary in recent memory. However, Johnson’s narrative is far from a simple recounting of diplomatic success. His portrayal of Museveni, whom he describes as an “ancient bush fighter,” highlights the nuanced challenges of maintaining alliances with leaders whose values may diverge significantly from those of the West. A key moment in Unleashed comes when Johnson discusses his attempts to rally support for Ukraine during a Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM). His frustration is palpable as he recounts a heated exchange with Museveni, who openly disagreed with Johnson’s condemnation of Russia’s invasion. Johnson paints Museveni as pragmatic, even sentimental about Britain’s colonial past, but fiercely independent in his foreign policy decisions. Museveni’s blunt statement, “Putin gives us weapons,” underscores the realities of Africa’s geopolitical landscape, where military support and non-interference often trump Western ideals of democracy and human rights. Johnson is candid about his disappointment in failing to sway Commonwealth nations, including Uganda, to stand against Russia. He contrasts Britain’s cultural and economic ties to Africa—its language, universities and trade—with Russia’s transactional approach, characterized by arms deals and a lack of moral scrutiny. For Johnson, the appeal of Russia and, by extension, its leader, Vladimir Putin, lies in their unyielding focus on power and self-interest, which resonates with many African governments. The book’s analysis of Russia’s growing influence in Africa, despite the UK’s historical connections and democratic values, adds a layer of urgency to Johnson’s critique. The passage on Museveni also reflects Johnson’s broader concerns about Britain’s declining influence in Africa. He points to Putin’s ability to sidestep Western conventions on human rights and governance, positioning Russia as a convenient ally for many African states. This “no-questions-asked” approach, as Johnson describes it, has allowed Russia to carve out a significant role in African geopolitics, a development that Johnson finds both baffling and concerning. Johnson’s writing style in Unleashed swings between the conversational and the analytical, often blending personal stories with political commentary. His exchanges with Museveni are peppered with humour and irony, yet they reveal deeper frustrations with the global order, particularly the West’s inability to counter Russia’s growing presence in Africa. In reflecting on his efforts to leverage the Commonwealth as a tool for British influence, Johnson ultimately questions why the UK has not done more to strengthen these historic ties. In sum, Unleashed provides a fascinating glimpse into Johnson’s worldview and his reflections on Britain’s role in international diplomacy. The passages on Africa, and his interactions with Musev- eni in particular, highlight the complex interplay between ideology, power and pragmatism in global politics. Johnson’s candidness about his frustrations and failures offers readers an honest, if at times provocative, assessment of the challenges facing Western nations in maintaining influence in regions where geopolitical interests increasingly outweigh shared values. GEN MUHOOZI’S SUPPORT FOR RUSSIA General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, son of President Yoweri Museveni and the Chief of Defence Forces of Uganda, has consistently voiced his strong support for Russia in recent years, aligning his views with those of his father. Through his social media presence, Kainerugaba has repeatedly emphasized Uganda’s growing ties with Russia and its leadership, further solidifying his role in shaping Uganda’s foreign policy narrative. In a tweet dated August 4, 2024, Gen Kainerugaba reflected on his military delegation’s visit to Moscow earlier that year, underscoring the symbolic importance of visiting Lenin’s mausoleum. He described Lenin as “the grandfather of all revolutionaries on earth,” drawing a parallel to how African patriots view the visit, comparing it to a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. This statement highlights the deep ideological alignment Kainerugaba sees between Uganda’s revolutionary past and Russia’s historical influence. Earlier, on February 26, 2023, Kainerugaba made headlines when he announced his intention to embark on a diplomatic tour to both Russia and  Ukraine, with the goal of mediating in the ongoing conflict between the two nations. He expressed a desire to meet both Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, declaring it was “time to bring this insane war to an end.” Kainerugaba’s pro-Russia stance was further solidified during his participation in the 2nd Russia-Africa Summit in St. Petersburg in August 2023. He praised Uganda’s push for trade reforms, advocating for Russia and China to support the importation of only processed goods from industrializing nations like Uganda. He proudly endorsed President Museveni’s call for historical allies to assist in Africa’s industrialization efforts. In an earlier statement on July 29, 2022, Kainerugaba hailed the historic visit of Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov to Uganda, calling it a significant moment for both Uganda and Africa. He congratulated President Museveni and the Ugandan people for hosting Lavrov, highlighting it as the first of its kind for Africa and an important milestone in Uganda-Russia relations. Through these public declarations, Kainerugaba continues to play a key role in reinforcing Uganda’s strategic alignment with Russia, emphasizing both historical ties and shared geopolitical interests. BELOW. READ EXTRACTS FROM BORIS’ UNLEASHED It was more or less the same story in Africa, where I visited more countries than any foreign secretary in living memory. They just wanted more Britain, especially in the places where Britain was already well known. I spent happy hours talking to Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni, that ancient bush fighter who is so important for the peace of the region, from Somalia to Congo to Sudan. He is crucial, and though we may disapprove of some of his prejudices (such as his 2014 ban on gay sex), we have to engage with him more; or else he will just talk to others instead. It was also another chance to rally support for Ukraine. I had memories of the last CHOGM, four years earlier in London, when as foreign secretary I had shoved some language into the communiqué denouncing the Russians for the Salisbury poisonings, only to find that it had been whipped out again by the Commonwealth secretary-general, Baroness Scotland. This time, I thought, the case is overwhelming. We are talking about an invasion, the murder of thousands of civilians – we must be able to get them to agree. Hah! In the first plenary session, I made what I thought was a reasonable argument against the invasion, only to find that my old friend Yoweri Museveni, the president of Uganda, was raising his hand. ‘I do not agree with what Boris Johnson has said.’ Generally, I got on famously with this merry-faced old fighter, who had helped overthrow the dictator Idi Amin. No one would pretend that Uganda under his rule is a perfect model of democratic pluralism – but it is a lot better than it was under Amin (who kept the heads of his opponents in the freezer). Over the years Museveni and I had happy discussions of Land Rovers and cattle farming, and he always seemed to me to have a sentimental interest in – if not quite allegiance to – the old colonial power. As he once explained to me, his very name is a reminder that his father had fought for the 7th Battalion of the King’s African Rifles: hence Museveni. When it came to Putin and Ukraine, however, we were miles apart. He trotted out some of the Kremlin talking points: the nonsense about Nazis and terrorists in Ukraine, for instance. I tried my ace. Museveni is about eighty years old. He is one of the post-war generation of African rulers who took part in the unbundling of the British Empire. Surely he could see what was happening. Putin’s attack was a neo-colonialist assault on a newly independent state. It was naked imperialism. Surely he was anti-imperialist? It didn’t wash. ‘Putin gives us weapons,’ he said simply – and there, I am afraid, he has a point. Look around sub-Saharan Africa and you will find that Russia is the biggest supplier of weapons, with about 25 per cent of the market. Unlike some of us Western countries, Putin believes in a no-questions-asked approach. You got a problem with Islamists? says Moscow: we’ll send the Wagner group! They will blow them away. There is none of that onerous but necessary stuff about following the rules on international humanitarian law. The Russians don’t preach about democracy, or press freedom, let alone the protection of LGBTQI communities. I am afraid that in many countries our delicious disputations on these subjects are viewed with bemusement if not outright hostility – not just by the leaders, but by many of the people themselves. Putin doesn’t give a damn about these complexities. On the contrary, he presents himself as the champion of old-fashioned family (or Christian) values. It is no wonder that his dark charisma proves so compelling with some audiences; and the result is that in Africa today there are far too many governments that are at best ambiguous on Ukraine, and plenty of places where – incredibly – you will see crowds of young men waving the Russian flag, as if to cock a snook at the west in general. So, after Yoweri Museveni and I had argued each other to a standstill, I gave up, and the fifty-six countries of the Commonwealth contrived in their long communiqué to say nothing about Ukraine at all. Oh, except for a brief reference to the food shortages and price inflation, which Russian propaganda was blaming – in a demonic inversion of the truth – on the Western embargoes on Russia rather than on the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It was infuriating. Let’s face it – Britain is, or ought to be, a FAR more important partner, for these countries than Russia. The UK economy is much bigger and more diverse than the Russian economy; we trade more with most of them; we invest more. Do they speak Russian? No. They speak English. Do they send their children to university in Russia? No – on the whole they vastly prefer universities in the UK, and quite rightly. Why are we so meekly allowing Russia – never mind China – to acquire this hold over Africa, and why don’t we make better use of the Commonwealth? {loadposition inarticle}

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@observer Sat, 19 Oct 2024 07:34:37

Survey: 10% of women harassed in public spaces in Uganda

At least 10 per cent of Ugandan women face sexual harassment in public spaces such as markets and streets, according to a recent survey conducted by Afrobarometer. The survey also found that 14 per cent of women have been denied employment opportunities based on gender. Released on October 3, 2024, at Hotel Africana, the survey explored key issues related to gender equality, education, employment, land rights, and leadership. The survey, conducted by Hatchile Consult Ltd., involved interviews with 2,400 adult citizens between January 16 and February 2, 2024. Gender-based violence emerged as the most pressing issue for women’s rights in Uganda, with respondents emphasizing the need for both government and societal intervention. While 72 per cent of respondents believe it is never justified for a man to use physical force to discipline his wife, nearly half acknowledged that violence against women and girls is common in their communities. Despite 84 per cent of citizens expressing confidence that police take reports of gender-based violence seriously, 54 per cent of women reported facing criticism, harassment, or shame after reporting such incidents. Additionally, 62 per cent of respondents suggested that gender-based violence should be treated as a private matter to be resolved at home, rather than involving law enforcement. The survey also revealed that 35 per cent of citizens believe girl students frequently encounter discrimination and harassment from teachers, including demands for sexual favours. Additionally, 30 per cent of respondents stated that women commonly experience sexual harassment in public spaces. Francis Kibirige, representing Hatchile Consult Ltd., noted that many Ugandans support equal opportunities in the workplace, with the majority believing that employment should be based on qualifications, not gender. “While the government has made strides in promoting gender equality and child welfare, there is still significant work to be done. Women continue to fall behind men in asset ownership, educational attainment, and full-time employment,” Kibirige said. He further highlighted that most Ugandans reject the notion that men are inherently better political leaders, asserting that women are equally capable of excelling in leadership roles. However, many women running for political office continue to face harassment, criticism, and challenges balancing family and career responsibilities. Former minister of Agriculture Victoria Sekitoleko emphasized the detrimental impact of disempowering women, noting that such actions affect future generations, especially when mothers lack the resources to support their daughters. “We must acknowledge the harsh realities women face, particularly those suffering from gender-based violence,” Sekitoleko said. Sekitoleko called for collaborative efforts between the government, civil society, and the private sector to challenge societal norms that hinder women’s progress. “This is not just about legislation; it’s about transforming culture and social attitudes,” she asserted. She also urged women to improve their literacy and numeracy skills to protect their rights and inheritance, stressing the importance of understanding financial basics even in the age of calculators. Sekitoleko added that the government, in partnership with the private sector and development partners, must ensure that every girl remains in school until the age of 18 and is aware of her rights. “The journey to gender equality is long and filled with challenges, but we cannot afford to stop,” Sekitoleko emphasized. “Women must be given equal opportunities to contribute to and benefit from the country’s economic growth. Without the inclusion of women, Uganda’s economy cannot thrive.” {loadposition inarticle}

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@observer Mon, 21 Oct 2024 07:12:46

4 UPDF soldiers, 14 civilians sentenced over weapons, military gear

A Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) court has sentenced four soldiers and 14 civilians to two years in jail after convicting them on charges related to negligence of military gear and illegal possession of lethal weapons. The soldiers; Pte Bernard Odyeka, LCpl William Isiko, Pte Denis Niwasasira, and Pte Charles Ogwari each received two-year prison sentences. The convictions were delivered during a session at the 5th Infantry Division Court Martial, chaired by Col Peter Musherure. UPDF deputy spokesperson, Col Deo Asiimwe Akiiki, confirmed that Odyeka, a 31-year-old soldier from the 103 Battalion, admitted guilt, acknowledging his carelessness in handling military equipment. “These soldiers failed to protect war material, violating section 120(1) 1(2) of the UPDF Act. Pte Bernard Odyeka admitted guilt, along with Lance Corporal Isiko, Private Niwasasira, and Private Ogwari, who were all found guilty of failing to safeguard military assets,” Col. Akiiki explained. The soldiers were found to have violated standard operating procedures (SOPs) issued by Brig Gen Keith Katungi, the commander of the 5th Infantry Division. The procedures required soldiers to carry their weapons and pouches at all times, a directive the convicted soldiers had ignored. In addition to the soldiers, 14 civilians were sentenced to 24 months in prison for illegal possession of arms, ammunition, and military gear, which contravenes section 159(1)c of the UPDF Act. The civilians reportedly pleaded guilty to the charges. Incidents of civilians possessing military gear have become frequent in urban areas like Kampala and Wakiso, with reports of these items being used in illegal roadblocks and robberies. Hotspots for such activities include Namusera on Hoima road, Myanzi on Mubende road, Kireka-Kyaliwajjala road, and Nsangi on Masaka road. The UPDF, working alongside the police’s Crime Intelligence Directorate (CID) and the Flying Squad Unit (FSU), has intensified operations to apprehend offenders, including covert and overt surveillance methods. {loadposition inarticle}

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@observer Sat, 19 Oct 2024 08:28:05

UNEB pushes for specialized court to tackle examination malpractice

The Uganda National Examinations Board (Uneb) is currently waiting for a response from the judiciary regarding its request for a specialized court to expedite cases related to examination malpractice. Jennifer Kalule, Uneb spokesperson, confirmed on Monday, October 14 that the board’s legal department formally submitted the proposal, seeking a court similar to the utilities court to address exam-related offences efficiently. However, Uneb has not yet received feedback on the request. The board has long expressed frustration over delays in resolving cases of malpractice, which often linger in courts. The need for a more efficient judicial process has become more urgent following the enactment of the new Uneb Act, which imposes stricter penalties for those involved in examination malpractice. Despite these new laws, cases continue to move slowly through the system, prompting discussions between Uneb and the judiciary to explore solutions. Uneb officials have emphasized that in some jurisdictions, examination-related cases are not given priority, making a specialized court necessary. Such a court, they argue, could expedite proceedings and have judicial officers who are well-versed in the serious nature of these offences, potentially deterring future violations. However, sources suggest that the judiciary has been hesitant to fully embrace the idea due to concerns over costs, particularly for transporting suspects from different regions. During a meeting between Uneb, the principal judge, and the Law Reform Commission, alternative solutions were discussed, including holding dedicated court sessions for examination-related offences. “While no definitive answer has been provided, there is an acknowledgement that depending on the number of cases, a specialized court might be feasible,” said a source familiar with the discussions. In the meantime, Uneb has partnered with the police to strengthen enforcement efforts. Special Uneb liaison officers have been assigned to police stations nationwide, tasked with prioritizing cases of examination malpractice. According to police spokesperson Rusoke Kituuma, these officers work closely with investigators to ensure cases are handled efficiently within the existing police framework. At Luweero Central police station, a detective has been designated as a liaison officer for exams, focusing on investigating and prosecuting malpractice cases. This role includes expediting case files for state attorney approval within two days to ensure swift trials. In support of this initiative, Paul Mukungu, director of New Life Secondary School, stressed that schools must adhere to the Uneb Act to avoid legal consequences. He encouraged educational institutions to follow regulations and help curb malpractice. As national examinations begin, Uneb and police have already made arrests related to exam malpractice. Two suspects from St. Mary’s Junior School in Namirembe, Kapeka, Nakaseke district, were apprehended in Moroto for allegedly attempting to sell what they claimed were leaked Primary Leaving Examination (PLE) papers. The suspects have since been remanded to Morikatipe prison in Tororo. Uneb currently has over 30 pending cases in various courts across the country. The delays not only hinder efforts to combat examination malpractice but also lead to significant financial costs for the board, as funds are spent each time a case is heard in different courts. {loadposition inarticle}

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