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Birigwa raises 50% of delegates’ conference money  

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UNESCO removes Uganda tombs from endangered heritage list

By AFP UN cultural agency UNESCO announced Tuesday it was removing the fire-damaged tombs of royal leaders in Uganda from its endangered heritage list, voicing satisfaction with restoration efforts. The decision on the Tombs of Buganda Kings was passed by the World Heritage Committee at a meeting in the Saudi capital Riyadh from September 10-25. Housed in grass-thatched buildings on a hillside in the capital Kampala, and revered as an important historical and spiritual site for the Baganda people, the tombs were declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2001. Read more

Who will own the 2026 crowd? The Kyagulanyi-Muhoozi struggle

In his book Tears & Triumph; My Life With Yoweri Museveni and Others, Onapito Ekomoloit, former press secretary to President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, delves into the president’s fixation with public gatherings and their media representation.

Ekomoloit, who served from 2002 to 2006, reveals that his job was once in jeopardy due to the perception that his team did not adequately capture these crowds in the media. During the 2006 presidential election, Museveni faced his former physician, Dr Kizza Besigye, for the second time.

Ekomoloit recounts how a photograph published by New Vision, a government-owned newspaper, infuriated the president. The image showcased Besigye addressing an enormous crowd in Arua.

“The New Vision, seemingly disregarding its affiliation with the state, shocked many by prominently featuring the photo of Besigye’s crowd on the front page,” Ekomoloit writes.

“A terse meeting ensued, attended by Museveni, New Vision corporation secretary Robert Kabushenga, the newspaper’s board chairman Brig Noble Mayombo [RIP], and myself. Museveni, brandishing the newspaper, asked rhetorically, ‘What is this?’ Before anyone could respond, he tossed the newspaper onto the table and abruptly exited the meeting.”

Aware of the president’s keen interest in how crowds were portrayed, others who sought Ekomoloit’s position began to criticize his performance. They argued he was failing to effectively maximize Museveni’s visibility by not capturing images that would attest to his ability to draw large audiences.

Ekomoloit narrates another incident when some of Museveni’s campaign team, eager to deflect blame and curry favor with the president, portrayed him [Ekomoloit] as lethargic and unenthusiastic about Museveni’s bid for a third term.

CAMPAIGN DYNAMICS

This narrative adds a nuanced layer to understanding Museveni’s relationship with the media and his staff, as well as the internal dynamics of political campaigns in Uganda. In his book, Onapito Ekomoloit recounts a critical moment during the campaign trail in Rukungiri, Dr Kizza Besigye’s home turf.

“Some people seeking to curry favor alleged that our Presidential Press Unit (PPU) photographers were not in the right place at the right time, thereby missing key shots of Museveni’s strong public support,” Ekomoloit writes.

Rumors reached him that his performance was under scrutiny. Later that evening, as they headed to Mbarara town, Ekomoloit received a call summoning him to a meeting with Museveni at the state lodge. Upon arrival, he was promptly led to a room where Museveni, wearing a vest, sat with his wife Janet and then-principal private secretary, Amelia Kyambadde.

“The unexpected fifth person was Robert Kabushenga, who held no official role in State House or the re-election campaign. I immediately sensed that the meeting was about campaign photographs, specifically those involving crowds,” he recalls.

Museveni directly questioned Ekomoloit’s commitment, asking, “Why don’t you want to do your work?”

This caught him off guard, given that he had just returned from another exhausting campaign day and was fully committed to Museveni’s victory.

“Clearly, someone had briefed Museveni negatively about me and the PPU,” Ekomoloit adds.

Despite this tense atmosphere, and a suggestion by someone else to replace Ekomoloit’s team, Museveni chose to give the PPU another chance. Ekomoloit’s experiences are particularly relevant now, as Uganda is again on the cusp of another political season, even though general elections are nearly three years away.

National Unity Platform (NUP) president Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, also known as Bobi Wine, is currently touring the country in gatherings similar to campaign rallies. These tours are closely followed by those of President Museveni’s son, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, which are disguised as birthday celebrations but have sparked a polarized debate.

Critics argue that Muhoozi, being an active officer in the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), should not be involved in partisan politics. His supporters, however, claim that as a Ugandan, he has the right to speak to the people. Muhoozi himself has announced on social media, particularly Twitter, that he plans to replace his father as president in 2026.

Amidst these political maneuverings, a significant question has arisen—especially on social media—concerning who between Kyagulanyi and Muhoozi can draw the larger crowds during their respective nationwide tours. While Kyagulanyi’s supporters claim that Muhoozi’s crowds pale in comparison, the secretary-general of NUP, David Lewis Rubongoya, told The Observer that the overwhelming public attendance at Kyagulanyi’s events is a testament to his widespread support across Uganda.

BUSES FROM FAR

“You’ll notice that when you attend events for Muhoozi or Museveni in Kampala, buses arrive from places like Kabale and Mbarara. After the event, people complain they were promised money and are now stranded. We’ve even seen people camping at State House demanding their transport fares back. This reflects their dishonesty,” Rubongoya said.

He emphasized that his party, the National Unity Platform (NUP), does not have the budget to ferry people to events, yet they turn out in large numbers to hear Kyagu- lanyi’s message.

Rubongoya also refuted claims by NRM supporters that Kyagulanyi is merely an artiste with a following limited to his fan base.

“If he’s just an artiste, then why abduct and even kill his followers? Why resort to rigging the election against him?” Rubongoya queried.

Discussing the significance of crowd sizes in politics, Rubongoya stated, “Politics thrives on crowds. They offer a snapshot of a leader’s reception in a specific area and have always had a significant impact. Crowds send a message to the rest of the country about public interest in a leader’s message. For instance, if you go to Mbarara and see a large turnout, then head to Kabale and find people trying to surpass Mbarara’s numbers, it speaks volumes. Even Museveni, in his book Sowing the Mustard Seed, discussed trying to scientifically measure crowd sizes at his events. Politics is about numbers.”

Attempts to reach Muhoozi’s spokespersons were unsuccessful as they nei- neither answered nor returned our calls. Andrew Mwenda, the official spokesperson for the MK Movement, said he would get back to us after an interview but failed to do so. However, spokespeople for Muhoozi took to social media to mock Kyagulanyi for having smaller crowds compared to theirs.

David Kabanda, MP for Kasambya and a member of MK Movement’s top leadership, tweeted, “Wait for our roadmap, and you’ll see a real tsunami in Uganda’s political landscape,” accompanying the tweet with a photo of Muhoozi with a large crowd. Another leader of the movement, Balaam Barugahara Ateenyi, tweeted a photo of Muhoozi addressing a large crowd and claimed that Kyagulanyi’s crowd in Mayuge district was dubious.

“Why go to Mayuge town on a market day? People travel from all over Busoga to do business every first Monday of the month. Learn from MK Movement Chairman Gen @mkainerugaba; sup- porters gather in open grounds for rallies, not street jams,” reads a tweet from Balaam Barugahara Ateenyi.

Dr. Yusuf Serunkuma, a commentator on political and social issues, asserts that the ongoing competition between Muhoozi and Bobi Wine regarding crowd sizes should be viewed as a facet of traditional politics. According to him, politicians are naturally drawn to large crowds because they believe these gatherings translate into votes.

“Although this may not be strictly accurate, crowds do manage this perception and anxiety. Politicians are energy consumers; they feed off the energy of the crowds. In scientific terms, crowds bring kinetic energy, which serves as much-needed fuel for any campaign. This energy is vital for a politician’s spiritual and actual ‘automobility.’ So, it’s important for politicians to display more kinetic energy, as it provides electoral momentum, bragging rights and emotional stability,” Serunkuma explains.

When questioned about Kyagulanyi’s messaging, which some supporters of Muhoozi and Museveni have labeled as sectarian, Serunkuma defended it. He believes Kyagulanyi’s messaging is tailored to his audience.

“Outside Buganda, he addresses material concerns like the struggle over Lake Victoria, where UPDF officers are denying natives access to the water, or issues with monopolistic sugarcane sales in Busoga. In Buganda, he focuses on conceptual-theoretical matters like nepotism, as people in this region understand these issues more than their counterparts elsewhere,” Serunkuma says.

Serunkuma also noted a newly found radicalism in Kyagulanyi’s tone.

“He is angry in his tone and combative in his choice of words. There’s a Stella Nyanzi-like flavor to it. This anger may stem from a realization that he needs to sustain or appear to sustain this emotional state to energize his base for possible protests and civic action. Regardless, I worry about his ability to maintain this level of intensity, especially if the state feels threatened and decides to halt this democratic gamble,” Serunkuma concludes.

“Is a money-free election possible for Uganda’s politicians?”

On September 5, 2023, President Yoweri Museveni addressed the National Resistance Movement (NRM) party flag bearers and chairpersons from the five divisions of Kampala, urging them to abandon the use of money in politics.

Speaking at the Kololo ceremonial grounds, Museveni labeled the practice as a “colossal mistake,” counterproductive and unnecessary. He went further to advise that, “It will be good if the people listen to what these leaders are proposing and elect them. If they are not elected, they should move on, do other activities, and remain financially stable.”

Museveni is no newcomer to Ugandan politics. Having been involved for over six decades, he stated that he has never resorted to selling his cows to fund elections. Museveni argues that politics should be about “diagnosis and prescription,” emphasizing the importance of understanding societal problems and proposing effective solutions.

This perspective seems rooted in the belief that the crux of politics lies in the value of ideas, not the depth of one’s pockets.

PROFOUND SHIFT

The president’s comments signify a profound shift away from transactional politics towards a more policy-driven approach. Museveni’s call comes at a crucial time when Uganda faces complex challenges such as economic inequality, corruption and sectarianism.

By asking leaders to “promote government programs and politics of unity among Ugandans,” he underlines the importance of developing a common market for goods, thereby creating economic opportunities for all.

It’s essential to unpack the implications of Museveni’s assertions regarding the role of money in Ugandan politics. The use of money—often deployed to buy votes, influence or intimidate—has long been a contentious issue, undermining democratic processes and rendering elections more of a market transaction than an exercise in civic duty.

This creates a vicious cycle where politicians who spend heavily to win elections may seek to recoup their investments through corrupt means once in office, thereby perpetuating a system that favors the wealthy and perpetuates inequality.

According to a report by the Alliance for Finance Monitoring (ACFIM), an astronomical amount of Shs 2.4 trillion was spent during Uganda’s 2016 elections. The spending didn’t stop there; it reportedly increased in the 2021 elections, raising concerns about the influence of money on democratic processes.

President Yoweri Museveni reportedly spent Shs 773 billion to secure his fifth term in office. In the same race, Amama Mbabazi, the former prime minister, expended Shs 66 billion, and Dr Kizza Besigye is estimated to have used Shs 15 billion. Prof Venansious Baryamureeba reportedly spent Shs 1.5 billion, among other expenditures. The numbers provide a revealing look at the cost of seeking political power in Uganda, making it a high-stakes game limited to those with substantial financial resources.

THE 2021 ESCALATION

Termed as ‘The Banknote-Controlled Voter Consent,’ the 2021 ACFIM report highlighted an increase in overall campaign spending compared to previous elections. The estimated expenditure ranged from Shs 70 million ($19,440) for the lowest-spending presidential candidate to over Shs 900 billion ($250 million) for the highest spender.

At the parliamentary level, spending ranged from Shs 50 million ($13,889) for the lowest spender to over Shs 3.5 billion ($0.97 million) for the highest spender.

Most of the funds were reportedly directed towards cash donations and inducing voters to reciprocate on election day. The report estimates that a total of Shs 3.9 trillion (approximately US$ 1.08 billion) was invested in electioneering activities for the 2021 general elections. This funding covered presidential, parliamentary, and local government elections across Uganda’s 146 districts over a 15-month period, making the 2021 general elections the most expensive in the country’s history.

The funds were not merely for campaign logistics but extended to voter inducement through cash donations, basic necessities like soap, and credit facilities to women and youth groups. The report disturbingly suggests that acceptance of vote-buying has become a normalized practice in Ugandan elections.

Consequently, money is thwarting the core objectives of democratic elections and is increasingly controlling voter consent. The increasing financial outlay in Ugandan elections poses significant questions about the sustainability and integrity of the democratic process. With money exerting such overwhelming influence, the focus shifts from the merit of a candidate’s policy proposals to the depth of their pockets, thereby undermining the principle of democratic representation.

Interviewed for this story, Buzaaya MP Martin Kasule argued that the culture of using money in politics could change only if the regime itself changes.

“The president should lead by example. He is the fountain of honor in this country. If he chooses to fight corruption, he can spearhead the battle against the monetization of politics,” Kasule said.

Budaka MP Arthur Wako Mboizi emphasized that this practice has become habitual. “You can’t just wake up one day and say no more money in politics. For us to stop it, we need at least 15 years to change people’s mindsets,” he explained.

Medard Sseggona, Busiro East MP, accused President Museveni of hypocrisy. “Museveni is already spending money for the 2026 elections through his son, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba. He says one thing and does the opposite,” he stated.

Sseggona went on to say that such politicians recover their election spending through bribery and striking deals. Mityana South MP Richard Lumu criticized the president for his role in monetizing politics.

“In 2005, he summoned MPs and gave them Shs 5 million each to remove term limits. As the chairman of the NRM, they give between Shs 30 million and Shs 50 million to each candidate for campaigns,” he said. “It’s painful that we spend our personal money on campaigns and sometimes lose.”

Bbaale MP Charles Tebandeke asserted that Museveni is the chief proponent of money in politics.

“From when he started losing support in 2005, Museveni has been following people to rallies, giving out money, T-shirts, soap, bread, and other items,” he stated.

Tebandeke also mentioned that during the Kayunga LCV by-election, Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja was handing out money to voters, reinforcing the idea that the ruling party benefits the most from this practice. All the MPs interviewed for this story appeared to share the consensus that the current state of politics is unlikely to change under the existing regime.

The monetization of politics has become deeply entrenched, making it a difficult habit to break. As long as the current system remains in place, money will continue to play a significant role in Ugandan politics, they argued.

While the notion of abandoning money in politics may be noble, it’s important to consider the practicalities and risks involved. Not all politicians have the luxury of financial stability without campaign funds. Moreover, in a society where political loyalty often hinges on material benefits, shifting toward a policy-driven approach could be met with skepticism from voters accustomed to the status quo.

THE WAY FORWARD

Museveni’s call for a change in political culture is a stepping stone towards a more equitable society, but its success depends on widespread adoption and systemic changes that support transparency and accountability. Therefore, while the leader’s admonitions may not immediately translate to a transformed political landscape, they do open up a discussion that is crucial for the future of Uganda’s democracy.

President Museveni’s recent remarks add a critical dimension to the ongoing discourse on political reform in Uganda. It remains to be seen whether his call for the cessation of money in politics will have a lasting impact, but the dialogue has been irrevocably altered. It raises fundamental questions about the nature of politics in Uganda and sets the stage for what could be a transformative period in the nation’s history.

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Fewer children under five years are dying – new survey

The recently released 2022 Uganda Demographic and Health Survey (UDHS) indicates a significant reduction in child and infant mortality rates.

Conducted by the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (Ubos), the report reveals that the under-five mortality rate has declined from 64 per 1,000 live births to 52 per 1,000 live births in 2022.

“Infant mortality has dropped from 43 per 1,000 live births in 2016 to 36 in 2022. Neonatal mortality has also decreased from 27 to 22 per 1,000 live births in the same period,” the report states.

Additionally, the report highlights a marked reduction in pregnancy-related mortality ratios, from 368 to 228 mothers per 100,000 live births.

According to Dr Chris Mukiza, the executive director of Ubos, the survey aims to provide current estimates on a range of topics, including marriage, family planning, sexual activity, maternal and child health, domestic violence and more. Data was collected over six months from 136 districts, focusing on women aged 15-49, men aged 15-54, and children aged 0-59 months.

Since 1988, Uganda has been conducting these surveys every five years. The 2022 survey serves as a follow-up to the 2016 iteration. It also indicates a drop in the fertility rate from 5.4% to 5.2% and an increase in the use of modern contraceptives among married women.

Dr Jane Ruth Aceng, the minister of Health, emphasized the need for priority indicators to address urgent health needs effectively. She cited limited funding as a significant challenge, noting, “The health workforce is still a problem, and health education and promotion need to be intensified.”

She argued that planning without reliable health data would be akin to “health suicide.” According to Dr Aceng, UDHS indicators are crucial for the development of better health systems, where patients are treated with dignity, and preventative measures can control the spread of contagious diseases.

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Kampala Geopolitics conference scheduled for October 17 and 18

The sixth edition of the Kampala Geopolitical Conference will take on October 17 and 18, 2023.

This was announced at the signing ceremony of a memorandum of understanding between the host Makerere University and sponsoring partners at the Rotary Peace Centre Boardroom, Makerere University on September 11, 2023.

The following signed on behalf of the sponsors for the 6th Edition of the Kampala Geopolitics Conference: Ambassador Xavier Sticker for the embassy of France to Uganda; Nils Wormer for Konrad Adenauer Stiftung; Dr Paulina Chiwangu for UN Women Uganda; Eric Touze for Alliance Française de Kampala; and a representative of the Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques (IRIS).

Vice Chancellor Prof Barnabas Nawangwe signed on behalf of the university. Nawangwe said the conference will host eight roundtables on a variety of topics relating to global challenges, security, regional trends, culture and society, and engage a wide-variety audience of students, academia, civil society, private sector, media, political decision-makers and the diplomatic community.

He thanked the sponsors for choosing Makerere again as the host. Wormer said the conference serves to stimulate exchange between local and regional actors and the interested public, with experts from Eastern Africa and Europe, especially as regards the unfolding geopolitical conflict of the 21st century between China and USA.

“Our aim is to reach as many interested individuals as possible and to discuss a broad spectrum of solutions through a high-quality debate on all these topics. With the discussions, we want to break through the academic walls in order to create real added value for practitioners,” Wormer added.

As heads of partner organizers, the signatories highlighted some of the topics to be expected in the programme of this international conference.

These include: the new scramble for Africa – emerging geopolitics and international relations in Africa; rapid population growth and implications for the growth and stability of Africa; closing the global digital divide, and advancing digital inclusion and economic opportunities for all.

Others are gender and climate security; opportunities and challenges in empowering youth for effective leadership and participation in African politics and development; the refugee crisis in Africa; water governance, transboundary water peace and democracy; cultural and creative industry as an influential tool; the African Union Mission in Somalia; East Africa as part of the “Indo Pacific Theatre”; effectiveness of the East African Community regional force as security provider in the Congo.

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