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@observer Wed, 10 Jan 2024 04:14:31
What awaits Uganda’s mining sector in 2024
Uganda is finally putting in place measures to tap into the global demand for critical minerals, which are needed for the smooth transition from fossil fuels to clean energy technologies.
For more than three decades, private sector investments in Uganda’s mining sector have been low. The reasons have varied from the unavailability of strong data about the potential of the country’s geological system; the absence of a mining major company to attract more investments in the country; to poor infrastructure to support the mining sector.
There has been positive change. The biggest part of Uganda’s geological system has been mapped. While Uganda is yet to attract a major mining company, recent discoveries have raised the profile of the country. And the infrastructure – both the transport network and electricity generation – have improved significantly around the mining areas.
The global wave of demand for critical minerals such as cobalt, lithium, etc, which are needed in the manufacturing of electric batteries, is something that has the potential of transforming Uganda’s mining outlook.
As such, Uganda’s mining prospects are looking positive based on the global demand for critical minerals. Although there are some risks that investors will have to contend with.
STATE MINING COMPANY
Uganda will test some sections of its new mining law in 2024, especially with the creation of the national mining company. The set-up of this company, especially whoever heads it, is expected to be one of the big talking points in the sector.
The national mining company – modelled around the Uganda National Oil Company - will hold the country’s financial interests in the mining sector. The law allows the state mining company to take up to 15 per cent shareholding in a mining project. This provision has jolted prospective investors, and many will look at it as a risk to any mining venture they intend to enter.
However, Uganda’s state mining company is not expected to enter into any joint venture this year as most of the mining projects are at the risky exploration stage. Such a joint venture could come into play in the medium to long term as some exploration in the country matures to the development stage.
In the short term, however, the one critical question that government will grapple with is how to finance the state mining company. Already, the government is dealing with high debt levels amidst insufficient tax revenues.
VALUE ADDITION
The global energy transition, which calls for the exploration of critical minerals, has reinforced government’s resolve to promote value addition within its mining sector. A ban on the exportation of raw minerals has slowed down investments in some parts of the mining sector, with investors arguing that the high costs of production – such as expensive electricity and the absence of a local lucrative market for finished products – make it hard for them to invest heavily in refining minerals.
Government is not expected to relax its policy on the ban on the export of raw ores. Recently, the minister of Energy and Mineral Development, Ruth Nankabirwa, signed a new statutory instrument that sets higher purity levels for tin exports. The move is meant to force companies involved in the exploration of tin to refine the mineral.
This policy directive could make it difficult for some companies to complete transactions within the tin industry as it introduces a new condition of value addition. For example, Gecko Uganda Limited, one of the main explorers of tin in Uganda, acquired new four-year exploration tin licenses in September 2023.
The company is, however, looking for new investors after a recent bid from Australia’s Javelin Minerals Limited collapsed due to unsatisfactory due diligence results. During the negotiations, Javelin insisted that it would only go ahead with the transaction if there was “a no regulatory action condition” and “a no material adverse change condition.”
Uganda’s recent policy instrument, which raised the purity levels of tin from the previous level of between 67 per cent and 70 per cent, to 99.85 per cent, is an adverse regulatory action condition. There is a likelihood a similar government position on the purity of minerals is being discussed in regards to iron ore and gold.
Unlike tin, whose exploration volumes are low, the companies involved in the gold industry are likely to push back. Gold is listed as one of Uganda’s top exports, with nearly 70 per cent of the exports said to be unprocessed.
REDUCING STEEL IMPORTS
In regards to iron ore, which is used to make steel bars, the government will look to reduce the importation of steel. Uganda imports steel and iron products worth $370 million, mainly from Asia, according to the Ministry of Finance. Government is expected to come up with a policy measure to drag down that figure by about 75 per cent.
Uganda’s new Energy Transition Plan raises concerns over the level of carbon emissions from the steel industry due to the use of coal during production. There is low expectation, if any, that a short-term substitution from the use of coal in the steel industry is available, although Uganda’s government is expected to place some urgency on finalising negotiations over the need for a gas pipeline from Tanzania to support heavy industries such as steel.
The two countries have already agreed on doing feasibility studies about the commercial viability of the project.
BENEFICIATION
One way the government intends to promote value addition is by creating beneficiation facilities in the different regions of the country. This will also help the government to track the minerals going in and out of the country. This, if achieved, will boost the country’s profile as being transparent.
KILEMBE COPPER MINES
Four companies submitted bids to the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development in December for the revival of Kilembe Copper mines. The four companies are: Gingko Energy, Liaoning Hongda (trading as Wagagai Mining), Sinomine Power China, and Sarrai Group. Government will evaluate the bids from these companies in January. Government is expected to announce its preferred bidder at some point in the year as the country looks to revive copper production at its once flagship mine, located in the western district of Kasese.
MAKUUTU RARE EARTHS
The Makuutu rare earths project promises to be another flagship mine after government awarded a conditional 21-year mining license to the project.
The award of the license will unlock the financing that is needed to move the project forward. Australia’s IonicRE has agreed to increase its shareholding in the Makuutu project from 60 per cent to 94 per cent. Rwenzori Rare Metals, the minority shareholder in the project, is in the process of selling its stake in the project after its exploration license expired at the end of December 2023.
The Makuutu rare earths project contains a basket of different minerals. IonicRE says it is constructing a demonstration plant that will guide some of its test works and mine plan.
URANIUM DEPOSITS
Government is showing renewed interest in uranium deposits, just over 10 years since it issued an order stopping any award of exploration licenses to prospective investors.
Currently, government is undertaking tests on different samples with the hope of attracting a prospective investor to partner in developing a project. Government will continue to exclusively explore for potential uranium targets throughout 2024 before it commits on its next plan.
The government remains committed to its plans of introducing nuclear energy into its energy mix by 2032. The government wants one of the two large nuclear reactors it intends to commission – each with a capacity of 1GW - to use local uranium resources.
OROM CROSS GRAPHITE
The Orom Cross graphite project in the northern Uganda district of Kitgum remains a promising development. And with graphite listed as a critical mineral, which is used in lubricants and batteries, the developments at the project will be followed keenly by prospective investors.
Blencowe Resources achieved a lot when it signed a $5 million grant from Development Finance Corporation (DFC), a US financial institution, for its Orom Cross project. The success of the tests and studies that Blencowe is undertaking will determine if the next lines of tranches from DFC will be released.
Should Blencowe succeed in getting more funding, there will be a major announcement coming out of Kitgum towards the end of 2024 about plans of progressing the project to the development stage.
There is probably no time that Uganda’s mining industry looked brighter over the last decade than it is today. Non-traditional minerals such as tin, graphite and rare earths are raising the profile of Uganda’s mining industry within cabinet meetings. On top of that, the exploration of limestone in places such as Karamoja has led to the emergence of new cement companies.
Although critical minerals are now being sought-after, Uganda’s mining sector is still held back by the limited budget support. Government spend on the mining sector is still below two per cent of the total government resource envelop. Government intends to allocate $8.3 million to the mineral subsector in the next financial year, which starts in July 2024, which represents a 35 per cent drop from the previous financial year.
The limited funding means that human capital is not enough to regulate and supervise the sector. Government is, therefore, losing a lot of revenue due to challenges in supervising the mining sector.
Also, collection of government data for certain mineral areas is not moving as fast as investors would wish. If there is a doubling of government funding to the mining sector, the outlook of Uganda will be transformed greatly.
This outlook for 2024 first appeared in the Deep Earth report
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@observer Wed, 10 Jan 2024 04:29:26
The cult of evangelist TB Joshua
TB Joshua, a charismatic Nigerian leader of one of the world’s biggest evangelical churches, secretly committed sexual crimes on a mass scale, a BBC investigation spanning three continents has found.
Testimony from dozens of survivors suggests Joshua was abusing and raping young women from around the world several times a week for nearly 20 years. In early 2002, in the depths of a grey English winter, 21-year-old Rae disappeared.
The last time many of her friends saw her was at university in Brighton. She had been studying graphic design, living in a shared house 25 minutes from the sea. Rae was bright and popular.
“For me, it was like she died, but I couldn’t grieve her,” says Carla, Rae’s best friend at the time.
Carla knew where Rae had gone. But the truth of it was hard to explain to their friends. A few weeks previously, she and Rae had travelled to Nigeria together, in search of a mysterious man who could seemingly heal people with his hands. He was a Christian pastor, with a black beard, in white robes. His name was TB Joshua. His followers called him “The Prophet”.
Rae and Carla planned to visit his church, the Synagogue Church of All Nations [Scoan], for just one week. But Rae never came home. She had moved into Joshua’s compound.
“I left her there,” says Carla, tears flowing freely. “Never will I ever forgive myself for that.”
The church looms like a gothic temple over the Ikotun neighbourhood in Lagos, Africa’s largest city. Joshua designed all 12 storeys of the compound adjoining it, where he lived alongside many of his followers. He oversaw the construction of the multiple staircases to his bedroom. The three doors to it, in and out. The hidden prayer room full of tiny mirrors. The “clinic” downstairs.
We have interviewed many people who lived inside. They paint a picture of a concrete labyrinth; a nightmarish world where reality slipped away and horrors unfolded. Numerous women say they were sexually assaulted by Joshua, with a number claiming they were repeatedly raped behind closed doors. Some say they were forced to have abortions after becoming pregnant.
Today, Rae is back in England, living in a beautiful hamlet in the countryside. She’s smiley and laughs freely, but there’s something restless about her.
“On the outside I look normal, but I’m not,” she says.
When Rae talks about her years in Lagos, her lips tighten. She talks breathlessly. At times, the colour visibly drains from her face. She spent 12 years inside Joshua’s compound.
“This story is like a horror story. It’s like something you watch in fiction, but it’s true.”
The two-year investigation, in collaboration with international media platform openDemocracy, has involved more than 15 BBC journalists across three continents. They gathered archive video recordings, documents, and hundreds of hours of interviews to corroborate Rae’s testimony and uncover further harrowing stories.
More than 25 eyewitnesses and alleged victims, from the UK, Nigeria, Ghana, US, South Africa and Germany, have provided accounts of what it was like inside Joshua’s compound, with the most recent experiences in 2019. The Synagogue Church of All Nations did not respond to the allegations, but said previous claims have been unfounded.
Former followers have previously tried to speak out about abuse, but say they have been silenced or discredited by Scoan, and two say they were physically assaulted. When the BBC’s Africa Eye was filming outside the church, a security guard shot above the heads of the crew after they refused to hand over their material.
Many of our interviewees have waived their legal right to anonymity, in most cases asking just their surnames be omitted. Others asked that their identities remain hidden for fear of reprisals.
The man at the heart of Scoan is regarded as one of the most influential pastors in African history. He died, unexpectedly, in June 2021, just days after many of our first interviews were recorded. On the day of his funeral, Lagos ground to a halt as mourning crowds packed the streets.
Some 50,000 people would attend Joshua’s services every week, and the church became a top site for foreign visitors to Nigeria. His global television and social media empire was among the most successful Christian networks in the world, with millions of viewers spanning Europe, the Americas, Southeast Asia and Africa. His YouTube channel had hundreds of millions of views.
The church is still popular today, led by his widow Evelyn and a new team of disciples. An interview with Nelson Mandela’s daughter in 2013 shows a portrait of Joshua sitting on the former president of South Africa’s desk. In his lifetime, Joshua attracted dozens of politicians and celebrities to his church, including sporting legends such as Chelsea FC striker Didier Drogba and at least nine African presidents.
Many of his followers were drawn by his philanthropy, but most came for his so-called miracles. Joshua systematically filmed spectacular “healings” throughout his career. After Joshua prayed for them, individuals on camera testified to being cured of ailments ranging from cancer and HIV/Aids, to chronic migraines and blindness.
“We’d never... seen anything like that before,” says Solomon Ashoms, a journalist who covers African religion.
“The mysteries that he had, the secrets that he carried, [were] what people followed.”
A number of Joshua’s videos show men with severely infected genitals, which burst open and then miraculously heal when he raises his arm in prayer. Others show women struggling to give birth, who instantaneously deliver their children when Joshua approaches. After each event, those involved would testify to being saved.
Video tapes of Joshua’s healings were circulating among evangelical churches throughout Europe and Africa in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Rae, who had grown up with conservative Christian values, was inspired to travel to Lagos after watching these videos, shown to her by a South African acquaintance.
“I was gay and I didn’t want to be,” she says. “I thought: ‘Well, maybe this is the answer to my problems. Maybe this man can straighten me out. Like if he prays for me, I won’t be gay anymore.’”
Another British woman, Anneka, from Derby, in the Midlands, says she was also entranced by the videos.
“The whole room went completely still,” she says, describing the moment her church congregation first encountered the tapes when she was 16.
“This is what Jesus would have done,” she remembers thinking. She, too, went on to travel to Nigeria.
Neither Rae nor Anneka, nor many of the young people who left their home countries to meet Joshua in the early 2000s, paid for their tickets. Church groups across England raised funds to send pilgrims to Lagos to witness these miracles - and Joshua contributed Scoan money himself, senior former church insiders say.
Later, once the church was well established, he charged high prices for pilgrims to come and stay. Bisola, a Nigerian who spent 14 years in- side the compound, says courting Westerners was a key tactic.
“He used the white people to market his brand,” she says.
Former insiders estimate Joshua made tens of millions of dollars from pilgrims and other money streams - fundraising, video sales, and stadium appearances abroad. He rose from poverty to become one of Africa’s richest pastors.
“That guy [was] a genius,” says Agomoh Paul, a man once regarded as Joshua’s number two in the church, who left after 10 years in the compound.
“Everything... [he did was] planned out.”
A major part of this planning was the faking of the “miracles” says Agomoh Paul, which he says he oversaw. He and other sources say that those “cured” had often been paid to perform or exaggerate their symptoms before their supposed healing took place. In some cases, they say, people had been unknowingly drugged or given medicine to improve their conditions while at the church, and later persuaded to give testimony about their recovery.
Others were falsely told they had tested positive for HIV/Aids and that, thanks to Joshua’s ministrations, they had now become virus-free. When Rae landed in the seething heat of Lagos, she saw miracles too. Dozens of people came and testified to having been healed of serious illnesses.
“I had a really involuntary reaction. I just broke down in floods of tears,” she says.
It was then that Rae was chosen. Joshua singled her out to become a “disciple” - an elite group of followers who served him and lived with him inside his compound.
Rae thought she was going to study under Joshua, to “cure” her sexuality, to learn how to heal people. The reality was very different.
“We all thought we were in heaven, but we were in hell,” she says. “And in hell terrible things happen.”
Sixteen of the former disciples we interviewed, including Rae, provided first-hand testimony of sexual assault or rape by Joshua. Many say it happened frequently - as much as two to four times a week - for the duration of their time in the compound. Some described violent rapes which left them struggling to breathe or bleeding.
Many believed they were the only ones being assaulted and did not dare share what was happening to them with the other disciples, as they were all encouraged to report on each other.
According to Victoria, who asked us to change her name for safety reasons, and who spent more than five years in the compound, other sexual assault victims were often handpicked by Joshua from the church congregation.
She says she was picked out while attending the church’s Sunday school, and says she was raped in Joshua’s private quarters a few months later, after her parents entrusted her into his care. She was then recruited as a resident disciple.
Victoria says Joshua ordered some of his most trusted Nigerian disciples to help identify new victims. The group was informally known as the “fishing department” and she says it ultimately coerced her into joining. Another disciple involved in similar recruitment was Bisola.
“TB Joshua asked me to recruit virgins for him... So that he could bring them into the disciple-fold and disvirgin them,” she says.
She participated because of both “indoctrination” and threats of violence, she says, adding she herself was repeatedly raped by Joshua.
A number of women say they were under the age of legal consent - which is 18 in Lagos state - when they were sexually assaulted or raped. This offence can lead to the death penalty in Nigeria. Jessica Kaimu, now a broadcast journalist in Namibia, says she was just 17 and a virgin when Joshua raped her in the bathroom of his penthouse, within weeks of her becoming a disciple.
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@observer Wed, 10 Jan 2024 04:43:17
Govt paying Shs 53 billion to ghost employees annually - AG
A validation exercise carried out by the auditor general has established that the government has been paying over Shs 53 billion annually to ghost employees.
The office of the auditor general undertook a special audit of the salary payroll across all government employees in 367 entities comprising 162 departments, 179 local governments and 29 other government organisations in February 2023.
The exercise revealed 10,192 employees, which were recommended for removal from the government payroll having been confirmed either dead, absconded or retired by the time of validation.
“I further observed that a total of Shs 53 billion was being paid to this category of staff and it is therefore recoverable,” assistant auditor General Edward Akol said in a brief to speaker of parliament, Anita Among.
Akol advised accounting officers to update their payrolls accordingly and initiate steps to recover the monies that were irregularly paid. According to Akol, a total of 358,753 employees who appeared for the validation exercise presented all the pre-requisite documents and were fully verified while 25,439 were partially verified.
“7,744 individuals whose names were not on the base payroll appeared for validation exercise and presented all pre requisite documents and were recommended to be included on the validated payroll,’ Akol said.
He added that during the exercise, they found that 2,067 employees were being paid Shs 22.4 billion per year but their documents were not satisfactory while, 6,307 employees were paid Shs 23.6 billion irregularly after they were confirmed to be either dead, absconded or retired at the time of validation.
Akol said 1,818 individuals who were paid Shs 56 million in the month of February alone were found to be nonexistent. Speaker Among after receiving the report pledged to have the report scrutinized as a constitutional requirement, within six months.
“Let us not have any backlog and let us not continue adopting reports which have not been scrutinized. It shows vote of no confidence. But I believe that the leader of opposition is going to make things work out,” Among said as she handed the report to Joel Ssenyonyi.
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@observer Wed, 10 Jan 2024 04:50:07
Ugandans spend Shs 2.2 trillion on diabetes annually
Uganda has found itself at the center of a growing health crisis, one that isn’t always immediately evident but carries significant financial implications.
The International Diabetes Federation (IDF) identifies Uganda as one of the 48 countries facing a concerning diabetes-related health issue. The spotlight in this article falls on Type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM), a condition that affects millions of Ugandans, both diagnosed and undiagnosed, causing a heavy economic burden on households and the government.
In 2019, Uganda had a T2DM prevalence rate of 4.1 percent, encompassing all types of T2DM cases. This startling statistic translates to approximately 1.69 million Ugandans grappling with the condition. T2DM is notorious for its costly management and treatment, posing a substantial financial challenge for both individuals and the healthcare system.
The Financial Strain. The year 2022 saw the management and treatment of diagnosed T2DM cost a staggering Shs 2.2 trillion to the government and households combined. What’s concerning is that the lion’s share of this financial burden falls squarely on households. Oral drugs and outpatient department (OPD) consultations emerge as the primary cost drivers for treating uncomplicated T2DM cases.
Concurrently, complications such as diabetic eye treatments, including laser procedures and cataract treatment, haemodialysis, and strokes, contribute significantly to the soaring costs associated with T2DM-related healthcare. To address this escalating issue, it becomes imperative to focus on raising awareness about T2DM and, more importantly, developing effective prevention programs.
A recent policy brief from the Economic Policy Research Centre (EPRC) underscores the urgency of these initiatives. Impact on Uganda’s Economy. The repercussions of lifestyle-related diabetes ripple through Uganda’s economy. Unhealthy diets play a prominent role in the surge of non-communicable diseases (NCDs), with T2DM taking a prominent spot among these.
The economic implications are profound as T2DM primarily links to individual lifestyle choices. While the overall prevalence of diabetes in Uganda might seem relatively low at first glance, there are specific regions with alarming rates. For instance, rural Eastern Uganda registers a diabetes prevalence of 7.4 percent, accompanied by a pre-diabetes prevalence of 8.6 percent, according to the Uganda Diabetes Association (UDA).
What’s particularly striking is the average age of diabetic Ugandans, a mere 35 years, significantly lower than the demographic seen in high-income countries, where diabetes typically affects those above 60 years of age. This means that diabetes manifests early in Uganda’s population, not only posing a medical but also a significant economic concern as it targets the most productive and energetic age group.
Managing T2DM and its associated complications, including diabetic eye problems, diabetic foot conditions, kidney disease, hypertension, and heart diseases, requires continuous clinical attention and resources.
However, the costs involved, especially in low- and middle-income countries like Uganda, need better estimation and documentation.
With these concerns in mind, an EPRC brief has been crafted to analyze the direct economic burden of diagnosed Type 2 diabetes in Uganda.
This condition is emerging as a growing NCD (non-communicable disease) within the population. Understanding the costs and what drives them is essential for effective policymaking. This analysis forms part of the broader research agenda
under the Global RECAP project titled “Assessment of policies and identification of context-specific regulatory interventions for a healthier food environment to prevent diet-related non-communicable diseases in Uganda.”
The brief serves as an extract from the paper titled “Economic Burden of Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus (T2DM) in Uganda: A Direct Cost of Illness Analysis.”
The estimation of the direct economic burden of T2DM employs a cost-of-illness approach, dissecting various population sizes. The methodology involves five key steps:
1. Case definition, encompassing diabetes conditions and types, along with related complications and prevalence estimation.
2. Identifying cost-generating components, including screening, diagnosis, and treatment expenses.
3. Conversion of resource utilization into unit costs.
4. Attribution of monetary values to cost components.
5. Aggregation across relevant population cohorts, specifically age- standardized groups aged 20+ years and 20-79 years. Data sources include the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME), International Diabetes Federation (IDF), Uganda National Household Survey 2019/20, and a focused literature search. Unit cost data are sourced from hospitals and pharmacies.
Key Findings: The stark reality is that only four out of 10 individuals with Type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) have received a diagnosis. Uganda is grappling with 1.679 million cases of T2DM, combining undiagnosed and diagnosed cases, yet only 676,900 (40 percent) have been identified as living with this life altering NCD.
This implies that a significant portion of Ugandans remains unaware of their condition, potentially leading to late presentations when complications have already taken hold. Intriguingly, among those diagnosed, a majority opt for private healthcare over government facilities, regardless of age group.
In 2022, an estimated Shs 2.2 trillion was expended on diagnosed T2DM patients, accounting for age-standardized figures. Notably, the government contributed approximately Shs 435.8 billion to the care of T2DM patients in the same year. However, households bore the brunt of the financial load, spending four times more than the government on T2DM treatment in private healthcare facilities.
This financial outlay encompasses both diagnosed uncomplicated cases and complicated ones requiring extensive care, management, control, and treatment.
Managing uncomplicated diagnosed T2DM alone translated to a cost of Shs 266.4 billion for the government in public facilities, while households in private facilities bore a staggering Shs 1.1 trillion expense in 2022, considering age-standardized groups. The cost drivers for treating and managing uncomplicated T2DM in both public and private healthcare facilities were predominantly expenditures on oral drugs and OPD consultations, along with diagnostic investigations.
It’s crucial to note that hospitalization for uncomplicated diagnosed T2DM cases is a rarity, and equipment such as glucose meters and batteries are considered luxuries for the affluent.
The total direct economic cost for managing T2DM complications in public facilities amounted to Shs 169.4 billion, while in private facilities, it soared to Shs 681.7 billion for all age-standardized groups. The costs encompassed the treatment and management of complications such as retinopathy, diabetic foot disease, stroke, Ischaemic heart disease, and kidney failures, including kidney transplants.
Notably, the private sector’s costs often mirror the actual market costs of treatment, emphasizing the financial burden faced by individuals seeking care. In conclusion, Uganda finds itself grappling with a hidden but severe health and economic crisis in the form of Type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM).
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@observer Wed, 10 Jan 2024 10:35:57
Basalirwa speaks on his future with NUP
ASUMANI BASALIRWA, the member of parliament for Bugiri municipality, found himself in a surprising turn of events last month when the National Unity Platform (NUP) leadership dropped him from his position as the deputy chairperson of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC).
In an exclusive interview with Muhammad Kakembo, Basalirwa expressed his bewilderment at the decision, asserting that his removal couldn’t be attributed to poor performance but, rather, to undisclosed reasons.
Basalirwa further elaborated that while he had no objections to his removal, he had expected NUP to communicate the decision to him in a more considerate manner before it became public knowledge. Despite the absence of an official explanation for his removal, speculations arose due to NUP leader Robert Kyagulanyi’s recent criticism of MPs who had supported the Anti-Homosexuality Act, which he claimed was introduced to target him.
During a press conference convened to clarify statements made during an earlier appearance on the British public broadcaster, the BBC, Kyagulanyi had openly criticised the MPs who had endorsed the bill, accusing them of working in favour of President Museveni. He specifically pointed out that some MPs, who had played a significant role in crafting the legislation, were surprisingly less vocal against human rights violations on other fronts.
In the aftermath of the BBC interview, Basalirwa’s party, the Justice Forum, penned a strongly-worded letter criticizing Kyagulanyi’s stance. They affirmed that they had no qualms with Kyagu-lanyi’s support for LGBTQ+ rights but urged him to do so without undermining his colleagues in the opposition by portraying them as collaborators of President Museveni.
In his recent interview, Basalirwa responded to accusations of working for Museveni, vehemently denying any such alliance. He argued that anyone suggesting Museveni required specific laws to prosecute his political opponents misunderstood the president’s character and methods.
The developments surrounding Basalirwa’s removal from his position and the broader implications of political dynamics within NUP continue to unfold, leaving room for further examination of Uganda’s political landscape.
How do you interpret the recent reshuffle of the shadow cabinet, especially considering that you have been excluded?
Approximately 30 years ago, when I embarked on my journey in the struggle, my motivation was never rooted in the pursuit of positions. Rather, and both then and now, our driving force remains dedicated service and unwavering commitment to the cause. Positions, to me, have always held a secondary significance.
When tasked with an assignment, I wholeheartedly carry it out, and when it’s assigned to someone else, I accept it without attaching undue importance. I’ve never regarded this as a major issue, for it aligns perfectly with the ethos of the struggle we embraced in our youth. This very struggle has not only led us to face incarceration but has also fundamentally shaped our identities.
Did anyone communicate with you before your removal as the deputy chairperson of the Public Accounts Committee?
No, no one contacted me or reached out to me.
Have you reached out to them?
Yes, I have, but not to inquire about the reasons behind my removal. Instead, I reached out to extend my congratulations to the new Leader of the Opposition (LoP) and his team. Additionally, I have contacted the NUP leader, Robert Kyagulanyi, in my capacity as a colleague and fellow party leader to discuss matters pertaining to our shared struggle.
It is worth noting that the lack of communication regarding my exclusion is perplexing, especially considering that when I was previously included in the assignment, I was contacted directly. In fact, it was Kyagulanyi who personally called me and entrusted me with the role of deputizing Hon Medard Lubega Sseggona in the Public Accounts Committee, a responsibility to which I readily agreed.
What are your thoughts on the new shadow cabinet?
In my perspective, this constitutes a service-oriented approach. I firmly believe that no one should claim a monopoly on serving. Therefore, anyone entrusted with an assignment is undoubtedly capable of fulfilling it. This is beyond question. Our role is to provide them with the essential support and cooperation, particularly those of us who have had more experience in these roles compared to those who are newly assigned.
How would you evaluate the previous shadow cabinet led by Mathias Mpuuga?
In the circumstances we faced, we gave our utmost effort and remained steadfast on matters concerning human rights and the rule of law. I take pride in the fact that we effectively championed the cause of human rights throughout the nation.
Additionally, we maintained a high level of accountability, particularly in terms of public service delivery. Our extensive visits to government schools, hospitals, and infrastructure projects aimed not only to understand how public funds were utilized but also to engage with the people and comprehend their challenges.
This was an unprecedented endeavor, and I believe it marked the first time in the history of the opposition in our country that such outreach programs were conducted. Interestingly, our actions garnered enough attention that the executive expressed concern to the point where the prime minister issued directives to government officials not to extend us official receptions.
However, it appears that these outreach programs played a role in Mpuuga losing his position as Leader of the Opposition. There were allegations that he was using them to garner political support, potentially at the expense of his party leadership.
I cannot definitively state the reasons behind his removal, but if this was indeed a contributing factor, it is regrettable. One cannot fault someone for diligently carrying out their assignments. When you hold the position of Leader of the Opposition, as the title implies, you are the leader for all.
If I were the leader of NUP, I would take great pride in having a leader who diligently fulfills their mandate by connecting with the people and, by extension, promoting the party. Historical shifts in opposition leadership have often been marred by internal strife rather than good-faith intentions.
It has typically boiled down to one faction within the party seeking to settle scores with the other.
So, how do you strike a balance between fulfilling your parliamentary duties while simultaneously avoiding being perceived as a threat by your party’s leadership?
It is crucial for the public to grasp the distinct roles we play. Accusing the Leader of the Opposition (LoP) of overshadowing the party or its president is unfounded, as he is merely carrying out the responsibilities outlined in the law. If anyone takes issue with this, the solution lies in amending the law itself.
The legal framework clearly delineates the role of the LoP, and if he fulfills his duties, accusing him of outshining others suggests a lack of understanding of the Constitution and the rules of parliamentary procedure.
What would these amendments entail?
The amendments should be structured in a way that mandates the Leader of the Opposition (LoP) to conduct their programs in consultation with the party that nominated them. This would ensure that if the LoP fails to consult, they can be held accountable for violating the rules.
What if the leader of the party that secures the highest number of seats in the opposition automatically assumes the role of Leader of the Opposition?
I would certainly support such a proposition. It could potentially mitigate some of the tensions and apprehensions surrounding the Leader of the Opposition potentially overshadowing the party president.
Mr Kyagulanyi was highly critical of MPs who supported the Anti-homo- sexuality Bill, which has since become an Act. He explicitly stated that some of these MPs were working in favour of President Museveni and also remarked that certain opposition MPs who championed this bill had not been proactive in addressing other human rights violations. As someone who played a role in proposing that bill, how did you interpret his comments?
I don’t believe he was referring to me specifically. However, if his comments were to be construed as directed at me, I would find it unfortunate. I have a track record of sponsoring numerous human rights bills, including the Legal Aid bill and the Anti-counterfeit bill, which I have passionately advocated for.
Over the past 25 years, my commitment to championing human rights has extended beyond mere words to tangible actions. For instance, I am currently representing over 30 Muslim leaders who have been unjustly detained from various regions of the country, a matter that often goes unnoticed. Therefore, my life’s work has revolved around the steadfast advocacy and defense of human rights.
What about Kyagulanyi’s assertion that this law was introduced by Museveni specifically to target the opposition, and in particular, himself?
This claim doesn’t hold true. If you examine the bill, you’ll see that it is not a novel creation; rather, it’s a revival of existing legislation, much like we have resurrected other laws. Moreover, to understand the origins of this bill, you need to visit Bugiri and speak with two individuals, Said Kagere and [Davidson] Mulumba, who is the LCV chairperson.
They have publicly called for attention to this issue, citing it as a significant problem that warranted parliamentary consideration. Therefore, there is no factual connection to the claim that this bill was introduced with the aim of targeting anyone. Furthermore, the Museveni I have consistently opposed throughout my life does not require a law to persecute the opposition.
Anyone who believes that Museveni would need a law to target him doesn’t grasp the nature of Museveni’s regime. He has imprisoned us without any legitimate charges. Haven’t you observed the courts ordering the release of individuals, yet they remain in detention?
In a country marked by impunity, it is naive to think that a repressive government needs a new law to persecute its opponents. Hence,
it is implausible that any of us would be instrumental in introducing a law for the purpose of oppressing the opposition.
We observed that your party issued a strongly worded letter expressing criticism of Kyagulanyi’s remarks regarding the anti-homosexuality law.
My party was staunchly supportive of this bill. Consequently, any suggestion that one of their members might have been manipulated is deeply troubling to them. Thus, they felt compelled to issue a clarification.
Did you play a role in drafting that letter?
No, I did not participate in its drafting. According to our party’s constitution, the party president does not hold ultimate authority over party matters. The day-to-day management of the party’s affairs falls under the purview of the secretary-general. However, I want to emphasize that our stance on this matter has remained constant.
We view homosexuality as a human wrong, not a human right. It is not a matter of life; it is a matter of lifestyle. This has consistently been our position.
Were you aware of the potential ramifications of this law on Uganda and its international relations, particularly with Western countries?
We foresaw the current developments because this is not the first instance this law was introduced. There was a significant outcry even when it was first proposed. Every action carries consequences, and it is essential to be ready for them. Now, we should consider thinking creatively and exploring alternative approaches.
Odrek Rwabwogo, the president’s son-in-law, was in the United States recently, begging that Uganda should not be removed from Agoa. He mentioned that the time provided was insufficient to have the law overturned in court. Are you concerned that this law may ultimately be reversed?
I prefer not to engage in speculative discussions, and it’s worth noting that the president’s son-in-law is not a member of the judiciary. As a seasoned lawyer, I have confidence in the judicial branch of our government. Whatever decision the court reaches, we will honor it.
However, I want to emphasize that this matter is far from concluded. As long as some of us remain in parliament, this issue remains alive. If the court does nullify certain aspects of the law, we will carefully examine those areas and introduce a new bill that aligns with the court’s ruling. This is an ongoing battle, and it would be premature to assume that it will be resolved solely in the courtroom.
Doesn’t the Constitution prohibit parliament from enacting laws that attempt to overturn a court judgment? Would this not constitute a violation?
We will not aim to overturn the judgment; instead, we will assess what aspects have not been addressed by the court and proceed accordingly.
You say you have faith in the court system, but just last month, we saw a letter from the president to the chief justice regarding a case where Muslim properties had been attached. Some might argue that this letter suggests the judiciary is not entirely independent. How do you respond to that?
I interpret that letter differently from your perspective. I understood the president’s letter as an inquiry to the judiciary on how to handle the matter. Regardless, the Administration of the Judiciary Act empowers the judiciary to resist any undue influence from the president.
Personally, I will maintain my belief in the independence of the judiciary.
We did witness the court overturning the decision to allow the auctioning of the properties. Some might argue that this suggests the president’s letter had an impact.
The court process does not unfold instantaneously. At the time the president wrote the letter, the case had already been filed, and arguments had been presented, with only the ruling pending. It could be seen as a coincidence that the letter coincided with the court’s impending ruling, which was nearly aligned with the president’s request.
Returning to your situation, would it be reasonable to speculate that your party’s disagreement with Kyagulanyi’s stance played a role in your removal as the deputy chair of the Public Accounts Committee?
I can’t say for sure. I believe it’s essential to direct that question to those who made the decision. As I mentioned earlier, when I was initially appointed, there was a courtesy of being contacted. However, I want to clarify that I may not be part of NUP’s future plans, and it is within their rights to determine who serves.
I don’t want to make it a significant issue. I will support the leadership that has been chosen. Additionally, I don’t believe my dismissal was due to [poor] performance in parliament; because, in that regard, I am one of the most consistent MPs. In terms of contributions on the floor, I am among the top five.
I have also chaired PAC because my superior, Hon Sseggona, had a sick child and had to travel in and out of the country. Therefore, it is unlikely that it was related to performance, but I leave that for them to answer.
We’ve observed a significant amount of criticism directed at you on social media, especially from NUP supporters. Some label you as a traitor, while others accuse you of being ungrateful for not reciprocating the support they provided during your election. It appears that you may have fallen out of favor with your former colleagues. What is the underlying cause of their disappointment?
If they claim that I’m a traitor, I’d like to understand the basis for such an accusation so that we can address it. If my disagreement with them pertains to the anti-homosexuality law, they should have raised their concerns, and we could have discussed them.
In fact, when I raised the matter within the shadow cabinet, they fully supported me. Even the decision to visit State House to defend the bill was made with the consent of the shadow cabinet. If there were objections, it would have been important to voice them at that time.
There’s also another baseless claim that I’m close to the speaker of parliament. I ask, who isn’t close to the speaker? If someone has concerns about my relationship with the speaker, they should come forward and express them.
There have been claims that you are exceptionally close to the speaker, to a degree that it compromises your ability to make impartial judgments as an opposition politician.
How? If someone believes that my proximity to the speaker affects my judgment, they should specify which particular issue they are referring to. Can they point to a single instance where I’ve diverged from the opposition’s decisions due to my closeness with the speaker?
We’ve been in situations like the boycott, and we all witnessed the speaker’s reaction. Did I return to the house after that? These would have been significant moments to assess my judgment.
mmkakembo@gmail.com
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@observer Thu, 11 Jan 2024 04:40:12
Cabinet offers Umeme comeback window after 2025 exit
There is a high chance that power distributor, Umeme may make a reincarnation once its concession comes to an end next year in March.
Umeme has for the last 19 years become a household name and is known for introducing the now-popular Yaka prepaid meters. The minister of Energy, Ruth Nankabirwa confirmed that come the beginning of March 2025, the concession agreement will come to a natural end after 20 years.
Nankabirwa has indicated the preparation for Umeme to revert the concession to Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited (UEDCL) has already begun. The minister in a statement revealed that she set up a joint technical committee (JTC) to supervise and manage the transition process as Umeme exits and hands over to UECDL by April 1, 2025.
It now appears that Umeme could bounce back in the distribution sector after 2025 if a cabinet proposal that UEDCL acquires private investors with less shareholding. Sources at the ministry of Energy say that the cabinet guided that the ministry should put in place a special purpose vehicle comprising UEDCL to work with a private investor like Umeme to run the concession when the current one comes to an end.
The source indicated that while it is not automatic that Umeme would be selected, it has a high chance of clinching the deal given its experience and the structures it had established across most regions in the country. Umeme has been operating and maintaining over 44,000km of 11kV and 33kV, distribution lines, and about 15,000 transformers.
It has been serving about 1.9 million customers compared to about 250,000 customers when it entered the concession. There have been attempts to have the concession extended beyond 2025. However, the parties disagreed on the 20 per cent return on investment charged by Umeme. President Museveni then directed against further discussion, saying the rate charged by Umeme was partly the reason the end-user tariff remained high.
Nankabirwa said the joint technical committee comprises ministry of Energy and Mineral Development, the secretary to the treasury, the attorney general, Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited, Uganda Electricity Transmission Company Limited, the Privatization Unit, and the Electricity Regulatory Authority (ERA). The same committee successfully handled the exit of the South African company Eskom Uganda Limited which used to run the Nalubale and Kiira dams in Jinja.
“All efforts are being made to support the Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Ltd to get ready to take over the operations of the Umeme network come 1st April 2025,” Nankabirwa said.
Cabinet also endorsed the post-concession management strategy whose implementation had begun including trying to capitalize UEDCL with $60 million. Some of that money will enable UECDL to continue with operational costs which may include taking over most of the employees of Umeme who are mostly Ugandans.
By the end of 2022, Umeme had 2,300 full-time employees excluding those working on a contractual basis. It had about 800 workers on contract and three expatriates by the end of 2022. Umeme is a Ugandan company listed on the Uganda Securities Exchange (USE) and is cross-listed on the Nairobi Securities Exchange. Last year, the Energy ministry permanent secretary, Irene Bateebe together with the state minister of Minerals appeared before parliament’s natural resources and environment committee.
Bateebe told MPs that the government would pay up to $ 215 million to acquire a majority share of Umeme. She said the arrangement they have with Umeme is for it to recover the investments so that assets are taken over by the government or UEDCL which is a government entity.
As of the end of 2023, 35 per cent of Umeme was owned by Ugandans. 1.5 per cent of the 35 per cent is owned by Ugandan members of staff of Umeme. The recovery of costs Umeme has recovered some of the investments over the years but because it is a going concern, there are some of the investments to be recovered at the end of the concession.
There had been talk that Umeme could end up receiving over between $200 million and $225 million as a buyout amount. The final amount like it was in the case of Eskom Uganda Limited will be determined by the auditor general. URN has accessed documents where Umeme indicated to ERA that it had $145 million as unrecovered investment costs.
The said monies are said to have been rejected by ERA during the period 2008-2021 from inclusion in the regulated assets base.
“We will continue to engage with the authority to ensure recovery of these asset costs,” said Umeme in October 2023.
It further proposed to ERA that any reconciliations for capital investments be postponed until the authority reviews the company appeals. Umeme had projected an additional $35 million capital investment worth its assets by the end of 2023. This money will be added to the gross regulated cost.
It hopes to provide the schedule for closed capital investment for 2022 in the first quarter of 2024. While ERA is reviewing Umeme appeals, there are other organs which include a steering committee at the ministerial level and a government coordination committee that interacts with Umeme to iron out issues for a smooth transition and handover.
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@observer Thu, 11 Jan 2024 16:11:47
Museveni reappoints Electoral Commission chairperson Byabakama for another term
President Yoweri Museveni has reappointed Electoral Commission chairperson Justice Simon Byabakama, and his deputy, Hajat Aisha Lubega for another seven-year term.
Byabakama was first appointed chairperson of the commission in November 2016 and now in a January 5 letter to the speaker of parliament, Museveni has awarded Byabakama and Lubega another term in office. The new faces at the commission include Robert Kasule Sebunya, a former MP for Kyandondo North in the 9th parliament and later Nansana Municipality in the 10th parliament. Sebunya has been working as head of the delivery unit at the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM).
The other new face is Dr Sallie Simba Kayunga, a political science lecturer at Makerere University. Museveni also appointed former Kioga county MP, Anthony Okello to join the commission. Museveni also reappointed former Kajara MP, Stephen Tashobya to the commission. He will serve his last term on the commission at the end of the seven-year term. Tashobya is a lawyer by profession.
He was a member of the 8th and 9th parliament of Uganda. He rose to the limelight at parliament especially when he served as the chair of the legal and parliamentary affairs committee. Also reappointed is Pamela Etonu Okudi, who has been acting head of administration at the commission. She previously worked at the National Forestry Authority (NFA).
The commission is expected to immediately continue the implementation of the strategic plan whose implementation began from FY 2022/23–2026/27. It should take up the process of planning for and administration of the 2025/2026 general elections.
The implementation of the strategic plan which includes the 2025/26 general elections roadmap, was estimated to cost Shs 2.41 trillion. The 2026 general elections have been scheduled between January 12 and February 10, 2024.
The outgoing commission had documented some of the lessons based on a review of EC’s performance in the past 5 years. One of those is the need for increased focus on civic and voter education as well as the dissemination of information through the community. The lack of civic education was raised as an issue of concern during the last elections.
The team also suggested the need to streamline the commission’s engagement with the National Identification and Registration Authority (NIRA), ministry of Local Government and ministry of Gender, Labour, and Social Development concerning citizen data, creation of administrative units and workers register.
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