Ugandan Journalist Juliet Kyarisiima Beaten and Robbed While Covering Land Dispute

[CPJ] Kampala, Uganda -- Ugandan authorities must credibly investigate an assault on broadcast journalist Juliet Kyarisiima, hold the perpetrators to account, and ensure that journalists covering public events do not face violence, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Tuesday.

Three arrested for refusing to be enumerated in Kikuube

The joint security forces in Kikuube district are still holding three people arrested yesterday for allegedly refusing to be enumerated in the on-going National Housing and Population Census (NHPC) Exercise. The suspects identified as 58-year old Abel Kyaligonza, 42-year old Samuel Ndagizimaana and 28-28-year old John Ayebale , all residents of the same area, were arrested yesterday during an operation carried out by Police and the UPDF from their respective homes on the orders of the Kikuube Resident District Commissioner (RDC) Amlan Tumusiime in Kisonsomya Village, Bubogo Parish Kabwoya Sub-County. Upon interrogation by RDC Tumusiime the suspects told him that, the bible does not allow them to take part in such activities, adding that, Census is against the teachings of […]

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Dei Biopharma breaks ground, gets approval to make drugs

Dei Biopharma Limited has received a groundbreaking license from the National Drug Authority (NDA) to start manufacturing drugs at its Matugga facility in the central district of Wakiso.

This regulatory approval signifies a significant milestone for the company, enabling it to produce a wide range of vital medications, including hard gelatin capsules and tablets, across various dosage forms.

The NDA has issued two crucial certificates to Dei Biopharma Limited, granting authorization for drug manufacturing and affirming the suitability of its premises for this purpose. These certificates, issued in accordance with the National Drug Policy and Authority Regulations of 2014, serve as official recognition of the company’s adherence to stipulated standards and regulatory requirements.

The initial certificate, identified as NDA/PRE/PMC/11331, officially confirms that Dei Biopharma Limited’s premises located at Block 82, Plot 988-990 & 3325-3326 Kigoogwa, Bombo road, Uganda, meet the necessary standards for drug manufacturing.

Meanwhile, the second certificate grants the company explicit authorization to produce finished pharmaceutical products, encompassing non-beta lactam (human) tablets and hard gelatin Capsules.

Dr Matthias Magoola, the founder and chief executive officer of Dei Biopharma, expressed gratitude to President Museveni for his steadfast support of Ugandan scientists and innovation, which has significantly contributed to the company’s achievements. Notably, this support has played a pivotal role in establishing the first biotech facility in Africa under Dei Biopharma’s banner.

With a sprawling 150-acre facility at its disposal, Dei Biopharma Limited is strategically positioned to manufacture a diverse array of indispensable medications, spanning vaccines, biological solutions, and cancer treatments. The facility has already garnered substantial investment exceeding $500 million and is anticipated to reach a total project cost of $1.1 billion upon its culmination.

The facility proudly houses the first biotech establishment in Africa operating under a US patent, poised to lead in the production of cutting-edge cancer drugs, biosimilars, peptides, cell therapy solutions, biologics, cytokines, therapeutic proteins, gene therapy treatments, and vaccines, including mRNA formulations.

Compliant with stringent standards set by the FDA, EU-EMA, and WHO, this facility guarantees the production of pharmaceuticals and vaccines of the highest quality.

Among its notable features, the company’s injectables facility will be dedicated to the manufacture of essential medications such as filgrastim, erythropoietin, and trastuzumab. Additionally, the facility boasts an expansive warehousing unit equipped with state-of-the-art cold chain technology capable of accommodating up to 60,000 pallets of mRNA vaccines and other pharmaceutical products.

Integral to the facility is the YKTM (Yoweri Kaguta Tibuhaburwa Museveni) GLP Biotech Laboratories, encompassing critical components for cancer research, quality assurance and control (QA/QC), drug discovery, gene therapy, cell therapy, mRNA therapeutics, vaccine development, biosimilar production, and biologics manufacturing.

Furthermore, the generic section will oversee the production of more than 150 different drugs and medicines, while the advanced nutraceuticals division will manufacture a variety of formulations, including tablets, capsules, sachets, ointments, and syrups, employing state-of-the-art technology and processes.

The forthcoming penicillin, cephalosporin, and non-beta lactam facility, meticulously designed to adhere to the most rigorous standards set by the FDA, WHO, and EU-EMA, is scheduled for completion within the upcoming year.

Simultaneously, the oncology/cancer manufacturing facility, engineered to comply with FDA regulations under EOL5 guidelines and employing cutting-edge technology, is nearing its final stages of development.

Additionally, the virus vaccines facility, slated for completion next year, is poised to manufacture a diverse array of vaccines, encompassing tetanus toxoid, tetanus diphtheria, hepatitis B, DTP-Hep B-Hib, TIV/QIV, PCV 10, TCV, COVID-19, and HPV bivalent vaccines.

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DP’s Jude Mbabali joins NUP in pre-election power play

As political parties in Uganda strengthen their ranks in preparation for the 2026 general elections, numerous politicians are strategically aligning themselves to replace incumbent leaders perceived as ineffective.

Recently, Jude Mbabali, the former LC5 chairman of Masaka district and a member of the Democratic Party (DP), shifted his allegiance to the National Unity Platform (NUP). His transition was publicly endorsed by Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, also known as Bobi Wine, who is the president of NUP.

Mbabali’s move mirrors that of other prominent DP members who switched to NUP just before the 2021 elections, including notable figures like Mathias Mpuuga, Betty Nambooze, Medard Sseggona and Waiswa Mufumbiro. This trend underscores a growing pattern of political realignment as leaders seek to consolidate power and influence within Uganda’s dynamic political landscape.

Mbabali is anticipated to contest against Kimanya-Kabonera county MP Abed Bwanika, who has reportedly fallen out with the party leadership over allegations of financial mismanagement. Bwanika asserts that the party has not been transparent about its financial transactions, including the funds it receives from MPs and other undisclosed sources of income.

In a recent interview with The Observer, Mbabali explained his decision to depart from the Democratic Party (DP) in pursuit of advancing his political aspirations. He revealed a longstanding affiliation with DP, rooted in familial ties, but cited the party’s leadership alignment with the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) under Norbert Mao as a significant factor prompting his departure.

“I have been a member of the Democratic Party (DP) since birth, as I was born into a DP family. However, I decided to leave my mother party due to its party president, Norbert Mao, aligning with the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) while retaining his ties to DP. This dual allegiance prompted my departure. Consequently, I felt more at ease joining the National Unity Platform (NUP),” he said.

Mbabali said NUP is a conducive political platform for his ambitions, emphasizing its openness to accommodating young and capable leaders seeking elective positions. Within NUP, he sees an opportunity to actively engage in politics and contribute to the nation’s development.

“I have visited the party headquarters, and I must say, I was impressed. The organizational structures are highly active, unlike those of the Democratic Party and other political entities. Hence, Kyagulanyi is the figure to rally behind.

“When I observe Kyagulanyi, I see a young, charismatic and steadfast leader, resonating deeply with the younger demographic, who constitute the majority. He possesses a profound understanding of this generation, and it is in that direction we should steer. What he requires from us, as leaders and members of the party, is our unwavering support. With our backing, he has the potential to be an exceptional leader for our nation, a fact he has already demonstrated,” he remarked.

Mbabali emphasized that most political parties, including the NRM, which has held power for the past 38 years, have never erected their headquarters. However, in just three years, Bobi Wine and his associates managed to establish a fully operational party headquarters.

“We still have ample time until the 2026 elections. I prefer to make decisions when the time is right. During my inauguration as a party member at the headquarters, I made it clear to the president and other members that my intention wasn’t to secure a position for the next generation, but rather to serve,” he remarked.

He holds the belief that NUP is poised to seize power soon due to its cadre of youthful, dynamic, and capable leaders, such as the Leader of the Opposition (LoP), Joel Ssenyonyi, and his parliamentary team. They have effectively held the speaker accountable for alleged corruption and financial mismanagement, demonstrating their capability to govern effectively once in power.

He acknowledged that upon his entry into NUP, several members from other political factions expressed interest in joining the party. They have voiced their disappointment at not being informed earlier so that they could make the transition collectively. Mbabali said he would promptly inform the president and the secretary-general about this development.

In contrast, Mbabali hinted at the ongoing rift between the former leader of the opposition, Mathias Mpuuga, and the party. Mpuuga stands accused of colluding with NRM officials to misappropriate a Shs 1.7 billion as a service award, with Mpuuga allegedly taking Shs 500 million, while the other three individuals received Shs 400 million each.

“If Mpuuga indeed committed some wrongs, perhaps he may be vindicated in due course. We’ll have to wait and see. As a newcomer to the party, I am yet to fully understand the details of the situation and am inclined to integrate myself within the party,” he remarked.

He added, “Mpuuga’s insistence that this is his party (NUP), and his determination to continue practicing his politics within it, indicates his confidence in the party’s leadership. Otherwise, he would have distanced himself from it immediately upon facing accusations, which he denies.”

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Media Council summons The Observer over MPs’ bribery story

The Uganda Media Council, a statutory body responsible for resolving conflicts between the media and the public, has issued summons to The Observer Media Limited.

This action requires the publication to defend an article from April 24, which the Council claims has undermined public trust in parliament. In a letter dated May 8, 2024, and signed by Paulo Ekochu, the chairman of the Council, it is alleged that the article jeopardized the perceived integrity of parliament, described as the cornerstone of Uganda’s democracy.

“Upholding its sanctity ensures the integrity of the democratic process. Therefore, it is critical that public trust in Parliament and the government is maintained. Indeed, a revered Parliament bolsters the public’s trust in the government and the legislative process. Respect for this institution enhances public confidence in the government’s ability to govern effectively.

Consequently, any assertion that could undermine this trust must be rigorously scrutinized for its accuracy,” part of Ekochu’s letter states. The letter further criticizes the article for failing to uphold the standard of protecting parliament’s image, particularly its claim that MPs had been bribed to retain certain government agencies amidst ongoing rationalization.

“To a reasonable person, the subject article appears to undermine the sanctity of Parliament, necessitating a thorough investigation to ensure that journalistic principles of accuracy and balance are fully applied,” the letter states.

Additionally, the letter puts The Observer Media “on notice” for failing to register the particulars of its editor, which is cited as a criminal offense under the 1995 Press and Journalist Act.

In response to the summons, Pius Muteekani Katunzi, the managing editor of The Observer Media, acknowledged receipt of the letter and stated they are preparing a response. However, Katunzi expressed preliminary concerns about the letter and its author.

“The letter lacks clarity regarding the complainant; it’s uncertain whether it’s parliament, Mr. Ekochu, or the Media Council itself. If Mr. Ekochu is the complainant and seeks to act as a neutral arbiter, he clearly cannot be both an interested party and a judge in his own cause,” stated Katunzi.

“It’s noteworthy that Mr. Ekochu attributes the perceived lapses in the integrity and sanctity of Parliament to a story in The Observer. Ultimately, it is for the public to judge, based on the conduct of parliament, whether it passes the integrity test.”

Katunzi further expressed surprise over receiving a letter from Ekochu, especially since on the day the article was published, the speaker of parliament, Annet Anita Among, had declared she instructed the parliamentary legal team to initiate a lawsuit against The Observer, yet no such legal notice has been received to date.

“It seems Mr. Ekochu is voicing complaints on behalf of the speaker. His letter concludes with a threat of criminal charges for failing to register the editor. It’s intriguing how a regulatory body only remembered this oversight after this particular story was published. What relevance does this have to the story?” Katunzi questioned.

According to the letter, The Observer is required to appear before the Disciplinary Committee of the Council on May 20 at 10:00 am.

mmkakembo@gmail.com

Govt can make money without over taxation

As the government of Uganda proceeds to gear its taxation policy too high for its own people by suggesting a string of bills such as one to levy a withholding tax on surrogate mothers, and another to impose a value-added tax on donations of goods and services provided by employers to their workers.

These measures are likely to dampen morale in an already challenging local work environment. Then following that up with granting tax waivers against the counsel of the auditor general signalling that the establishment isn’t only high on taxes but will not cut down on its expenditure.

Worse still, it communicates a lack of knowledge by the regime on alternative ways to raise revenue to fund their existence. This has caused commotion among the business, and service sectors which have resorted to finger-pointing, accusing the government of favouring foreign investors and have threatened a two-month strike if the latest tax method — Electronic Fiscal Receipting and Invoicing Solution [EFRIS], isn’t revised.

Unbeknownst to the government, there are alternative ways it can ramp up revenue without having to put its foot on the neck of its citizenry and choke the life out of their livelihoods. Nonetheless, it would involve satisfactorily using government’s personnel, and meticulous strategy and planning.

The alternatives to over-taxation are:

Bulking up gold holdings

Gold is Uganda’s biggest export earning the country more than $5.5 billion [Shs 20.6 trillion] in the last five years translating to 111.3 tonnes. Even as this gold belongs to the private sector, the government could salvage the opportunity of buying it cheaply in raw form, then have it refined in any one of the six refineries in Uganda; and, store it as bullion for a rainy day.

Gold is the only other thing the IMF recognises as an alternative to currency. It is very liquid, and its value on the world market has gone up by 84 percent in the last decade as per Nasdaq.

The yellow metal is a hedge against hyperinflation and recessions since countries can sell it to get revenue like Turkey and Uzbekistan did during the pandemic; because, the value of the metal goes up during economic downturns.  

Uganda has been indicted by UN security council reports: S/2021/560 and S/2017/672 for illicit gold trade in the DR Congo. Nevertheless, it’s shocking that not a smidgen of the metal has ended up in the country’s vault even when the International Court of Justice [ICJ] charged Uganda an indemnity of $325 million [Shs 1.2 trillion] to DR Congo for the looting of gold and other minerals.

The World Gold Council doesn’t capture any data of Uganda’s gold reserves. Bank of Uganda declined to comment on the country’s gold holdings for this article, citing security reasons.

On the contrary, other regional central banks provide this information. For instance, Kenya has a gold reserve of 0.02 tonnes, Burundi 0.03 tonnes, Malawi 0.04 tons. It’s evident that sovereignly, Sub-Saharan Africa doesn’t hold gold in high regard.

Petroleum Investment Fund

Set up as a sovereign fund with the commission to invest oil revenue for profit, the entity under the administration of the ministry of Finance, Planning, and Economic Development lies lifeless waiting for oil money to trickle in. In a 2021 Government of Uganda document on the petroleum fund, it is stated that as of 31st December 2021, the petroleum fund was valued at Shs 87.1 billion [$23.2 million]. If managed well, the fund can start to be productive before oil money flows into it.

Rwanda, for example, runs a sovereign fund — Agaciro Development Fund since August 2012 that was valued in the region of $250 million [Shs 937.6 billion] at the end of 2021. The fund invests in Rwanda’s local equities, fixed income securities and term deposits even with the absence of a mineral like gold; but, with the acknowledgement of the principle of investment and productivity.

If competently managed, Uganda’s petroleum fund can invest in equities, real estate, venture capital, private equity, fixed income securities in global markets which investments would give Uganda a much-needed public relations boost, and lure credible foreign investors to the country by first directly investing in their business on the financial markets, while earning the government dividends which would supplement revenue from taxes.

This investment strategy would go a long way in forming credible trade partnerships for Uganda. Angola has done it that way; Uganda can at least start on it.

Uganda Property Holdings Limited [UPHL]

Established by a cabinet decision in 1998 to effectively manage, protect and improve government properties belonging to Coffee Marketing Board [CMB], Lint Marketing Board [LMB], and Transocean Uganda Limited; the public enterprise’s barren operations have been kept mum because some of its properties aren’t in its control.

A 2010 parliamentary [COSASE] report forwarded by the eighth parliament highlights irregularities in the management of most government properties as they lie in waste, are underutilized, and rented off cheaply.

For instance, the parliamentary report affirms that the CMB building was then rented out at Shs 56 million [$14,930] for five years and “much of the building is vacant and requires refurbishment” the report pointed out.

UPHL’s holdings were marred by rent arrears, undeclared dividends: the company operated between 1998 and 2010 without declaring any dividends.

A look at the public enterprise’s website is unavailing because it has no meaningful information. One of the pages for space for rent in Mombasa is written in Latin with gibberish information translated into English to mean, “It is important to take care of the patient, to be followed by the patient, but it will happen at such a time that there is a lot of work and pain...” This exudes negligence.

UPHL has got properties under its management in Mombasa, London and Uganda which would have by now been extended to major cities in China, India, Japan and the European Union where Ugandans transact business on a large scale.

The 2010 COSASE report valued the properties in Mombasa at Kshs 1.4 billion [$10.7 million, or Shs 40.8 billion], and the London estate at £3.2 million [Shs 15 billion] with the Mombasa properties bringing in a monthly rent of Kshs 9.9 million [Shs 280.6 million], and the London properties a monthly rent of £12,000 [Shs 56.3 million].

If the government efficiently managed and expanded government real estate properties in Uganda and abroad, UPHL would be a major source of foreign revenue.

Instead, the government chooses to focus its efforts on borrowing, over-taxation, and foreign aid. No country has developed by pursuing a cocktail of these strategies. Dr Fred Muhumuza, a senior economist, lecturer and policy research expert, had this to say about government investing in gold, the petroleum fund, and UPHL as revenue streams.

“There aren’t many countries with gold ... Uganda doesn’t have gold reserves that are productive. The gold we have is coming from other countries; but also, it’s owned by the private sector “the only way you would get money from gold is by taxing the companies involved in gold, and we [Uganda] aren’t taxing them much”.

“The government was trying to set up a mining company to invest in gold and other minerals, but the venture was diverted and overshadowed by interest in oil”.

In connection with the petroleum fund, he said, “We had raised a substantial amount of money, but it was drawn out ...Quite often, you don’t touch the principal, you invest it domestically or abroad, and only use the interest. Right now, there’s no money in the petroleum fund, our strategy depleted it”.

On the management of UPHL, Muhumuza remarked: “UPHL has had some of its assets depleted, some mismanaged; so, it is not giving us a thrust. “It would be a viable investment, but it goes with governance. If government isn’t ready to manage it [UPHL] with a profit motive, then we’re not going to get money out of it”.

Experts: Census hiccups can distort results

As many Ugandans eagerly prepared their homes for enumerators on National Census day, Friday, May 10, 2024, their anticipation turned to disappointment.

Despite rising early and waiting for hours, many were surprised to learn through social media about significant delays and challenges faced during the census process. The census, scheduled from May 10 to May 19, 2024, is designed to provide the government with essential data on Uganda’s population count, housing conditions, living standards, and the accessibility of basic services such as water and electricity.

It also aims to assess the reach of government programs like Emyooga, the Parish Development Model, and NAADS across the nation. Marking a significant shift in methodology, this year’s census is the first in Uganda to fully implement digital technologies for data collection. According to the Uganda Bureau of Statistics, the 2024 census employs over 120,000 enumerators, highlighting the scale of this national undertaking.

Despite the Government of Uganda and development partners like the United Nations Population Fund allocating funds to the Uganda Bureau of Statistics, the census encountered significant initial obstacles. Enumerators voiced concerns over inadequate support, malfunctioning digital equipment, and the absence of official uniforms necessary for identification.

In an effort to understand the challenges impacting the launch of the census, which had been scheduled to start on a government-declared public holiday, The Observer reached out to several enumerators.

Mahad, an enumerator from Kawempe division, expressed dissatisfaction with the lack of promised logistical support: “The enumerators are frustrated about the entire census process because the Uganda Bureau of Statistics did not provide the agreed-upon training and field facilitation.”

He detailed the financial issues encountered, explaining, “At the start of our training, we were promised Shs 20,000 per day for nine days. However, by the end of the training, we were unexpectedly informed that our total compensation would only be Shs 90,000, significantly less than the Shs 180,000 we had anticipated.” This shortfall in facilitation has contributed to the rocky start of the census, affecting the morale and efficiency of the enumerators involved.

POOR FACILITATION

“They also told us that we were supposed to be facilitated in the field and be given a lunch allowance, but surprisingly, in the span of two days, we have not been given anything,” Mahad asserts. Faced with these challenges, Mahad has had to use his own resources to ensure effective data collection. “I’ve had to buy data to use the census tablets (CAPIS) because UBOS assured us they would provide mobile data, which they did not,” he explained.

Additionally, Mahad highlighted concerns about compensation, “Even the 500,000 shillings that we were promised is going to be taxed, and this comes with UBOS ensuring that all enumerators submit tax identification numbers,” he noted. He urged the government to ensure timely payment to enumerators, believing it would motivate them to fulfill their roles more effectively.

Another enumerator, who requested anonymity, shared insights into the operational challenges on the ground. Speaking about the first day of the census, she described it as “the most disorganized day in the history of the census.” She elaborated on the issues faced, including malfunctioning devices, “The first hours of the day were just spent at the stations because most of the devices given to us to record data and information were not working.”

She further criticized the lack of support from UBOS, “UBOS did not provide us with mobile data to be used in the field. Due to the hindrances faced on the first day, I was only able to count ten people,” she claimed. This lack of organizational efficiency and support from UBOS has evidently impacted the census process, casting doubt on the effectiveness of data collection efforts.

In Uganda, enumerators engaged in the national census have encountered significant operational issues, raising concerns about the overall management of this crucial data-gathering exercise.

One enumerator from Ndejje Lubugumu reported being unable to count even a single person on the first day due to faulty equipment provided by the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS). He voiced his frustrations about the lack of logistical support, “I was stationed in a distant location yet UBOS did not give me any facilitation to reach the location. I am so much disappointed with UBOS for not considering our welfare yet they expect us to do their work diligently. How can you put me in a location where I need Shs 15000 transport to and from? How do you expect me to reach there?” he pondered.

Additionally, a troubling report emerged from a group of enumerators, with one revealing that “10 people from their group of enumerators were dropped on the last day without explanation after dedicating all their time for training.” This sudden dismissal has left many questioning the transparency and fairness of the administrative processes.

Further grievances were echoed by an enumerator based in Mbale city, who criticized UBOS for its poor planning, despite having a decade to prepare for the census.

The sentiment was reinforced by another enumerator counting individuals in the Lubaga division, who pointed out severe shortcomings in the government’s execution of the census, “The government did not plan accordingly and as enumerators we have not been paid the facilitation that was promised to us during training, we haven’t received our allowances and the equipment we were given to use doesn’t work well and the enumerator uniforms were not in sufficient numbers; it makes me wonder whether the problem lies with government or the local leaders on the ground,” he commented.

These firsthand accounts highlight a series of failings that have marred the census process, suggesting a need for significant improvements in how such national activities are coordinated and supported.

Analysis

Interviewed for this story, multiple experts said the array of glitches reported by enumerators during the 2024 Uganda national census could significantly impact the accuracy and reliability of the census results.

One expert said enumerators like Mahad experienced a lack of logistical support, including insufficient training and field facilitation.

“This problem is likely led to a lack of preparedness among enumerators, which can result in inconsistent data collection practices and potential errors in the data recorded,” he said.

Another expert said the shift to digital technologies for data collection was intended to streamline the process and improve accuracy.

“However, the reported malfunctioning of devices, such as the census tablets (CAPIS), could lead to incomplete or incorrect data entries. If enumerators are unable to input data reliably, this could result in gaps in the data or inaccuracies that skew the overall results.”

He also said that “the failure to provide promised resources, such as mobile data, affected enumerators’ ability to conduct their work efficiently. For instance, one enumerator was only able to count ten people due to these hindrances. This limitation drastically reduces the reach and coverage of the census, potentially leaving significant segments of the population uncounted.”

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Who is after Speaker Anita Among?

The speaker of parliament, Annet Anita Among, is currently one of the most criticized public officials in Uganda, according to traditional and social media users.

On X (formerly Twitter), Facebook, TikTok, and WhatsApp—the four most popular social media channels in Uganda—Among’s name consistently trends, often negatively. Posts on her own social media channels also receive predominantly negative comments.

The scrutiny intensified over two months ago when parliament was thrust into the spotlight by anti-corruption activists led by Makerere University lecturer Jimmy Spire Ssentongo. During the exhibition, startling allegations were made against Among, including claims of her withdrawing billions of shillings using parliamentary staff for her activities, many of which remain undisclosed, and receiving allowances for unmade trips.

But why is Among portrayed this way, and who is behind it? In multiple interviews conducted by this writer, those close to Among believe that these are not just innocent exposés but are part of a calculated character assassination campaign by her detractors, particularly within the ruling National Resistance Movement, who have enlisted allies within the opposition.

The goal, they claim, is not only to prevent Among from completing her current term as speaker but also to thwart any chance of her securing a second term.

NRM POLITICS

“I don’t know whether Spire knew exactly what he was doing by participating in this campaign. This has nothing to do with corruption; it’s NRM politics,” said an MP who, like many others contributing to this story, was granted anonymity to speak freely.

“Let me tell you, the information about Among that has been exposed is only accessible to these NRM people. They are leaking it to tarnish her image so that when they decide to push her out, no one will sympathize with her,” added another MP close to Among.

In fact, to lend credibility to this viewpoint, in a recent interview with this newspaper, Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, the MP for Kira Municipality and former Chief Opposition Whip, questioned the focus of the exhibitors. He wondered why, if the exhibition was truly about showcasing how public resources are managed, the financial records of the Deputy Speaker of Parliament Thomas Tayebwa were not also displayed.

“If the exhibitors had displayed the travel records of every MP and the public had singled out Ssemujju, it would be fair. But because the exhibitors are being fed by the state, they are targeting specific individuals while ignoring others. I have not seen the deputy speaker, who actually travels more than the speaker, being showcased. He also has a budget for donations; how does he withdraw that money?” Ssemujju, who himself was criticized for allegedly ‘over traveling’ at the taxpayers’ expense, remarked at the time. Regarding the deputy speaker, three sources told us that Among and her close confidants strongly believe that Tayebwa is behind the negative press she receives.

Interviewed for a comment, Spire was very emphatic.

“I wouldn’t care if the person others are fighting is also stealing from me. I see that as deflection. You don’t engage in all that they have been doing and then start playing the victim. The more important question is whether the allegations against her (Among) and other parliament officials are true. Why don’t they want that to be discussed? My concern as a taxpayer is focused on that. The rest is their business.”

“It’s actually insulting for them to call it blind, as though taxpayers have no stake. What matters to them are their political stakes and benefits. It’s quite insulting to say we’re blindly exposing them,” Spire added.

Agather Atuhaire, another key player in the parliamentary exhibition, said, “I’m sorry, but I don’t think this nonsense deserves my response. People should learn to interrogate the issues and facts presented, not engage in pettiness.”

Another Among confidant claimed that “Many of the people who attack the speaker online are also Tayebwa’s people. He is impatient to take over.”

This belief that Tayebwa is vying for her position has recently led to a deterioration in the relationship between the two.

“Do you still see them come holding hands like they used to? If you remember, they would co-chair the House together—one leading the first hours and the other finishing. But now, it’s been over a month since Tayebwa last chaired the House,” an MP who asked to remain anonymous told us.

Besides Tayebwa, another MP suggested that the mafiosi, complained about by almost all former powerful figures in the NRM and government, is targeting Among. This MP believes that historically, anyone who has accumulated power, wealth, and the ear of President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni has been a target of the mafia.

The country has witnessed numerous supremacy battles among Museveni’s aides. For example, there was the conflict between Col Elly Kayanja, head of Operation Wembley—a commando unit established by President Museveni to crack down on violent criminals—and Brigadier Henry Tumukunde, head of the Internal Security Organization (ISO), who held almost identical roles.

Their rivalry for supremacy often led to collisions. Similarly, there was a dispute between Brigadier Jim Muhwezi and his former deputy John Kazoora over the management of the Internal Security Organization. The country also recalls how Amama Mbabazi, once a powerful figure due to his proximity to Museveni, was widely resented within the NRM and government.

This hostility paralleled the treatment of Gilbert Bukenya, the former vice president, who was once hinted by Museveni as his potential successor. At the height of his power, Bukenya faced corruption charges related to organizing the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Kampala in 2007.

Perhaps the most dramatic fall involved Gen Edward Kale Kayihura, who, as the inspector general of police, extended his influence far beyond police duties, becoming a political enforcer for Museveni. With considerable power and resources, Kayihura also made enemies who eventually contributed to his downfall.

Until last year, he faced charges for misusing government stores and extraditing asylum seekers back to Rwanda. The MP who suggests that what is happening to Among is nothing but a mafiosi hit job said he wouldn’t be surprised if she ended up in prison.

“Every day that passes, Museveni becomes more vulnerable due to old age. People are positioning themselves for the next government, seeing individuals like Among as expendable. So, they continue to bring out material against her, ensuring that when they finally move against her, no one will lament her departure,” said the MP.

However, Chris Obore, parliament’s director for Communication, believes that those opposing his boss are political agitators from outside rather than within the NRM.

“Her loyalty to President Museveni is drawing sustained attacks from regime change activists and their sponsors who aim to disrupt government operations by striking at loyalists and creating tension,” Obore stated.

“They’ve found that President Museveni is seasoned in assessment and judgment. The regime change crusaders are attempting to exploit NRM internal contradictions to provoke a crisis, but the president’s approach keeps disillusioning them, leading to their desperation to heckle at any opportunity,” he explained.

Among herself has previously stated that she is indifferent to opinions other than those of Museveni. She believes her position owes more to the president than to her electorate, the MPs. Although she primarily seeks to please Museveni, some of his lieutenants still view Among as an accidental occupant of her position.

“She sneaked into that position. I know there are many who can’t fathom that an outsider like her has taken such a coveted role,” an aide to the president commented.

Among arms detractors

Having “sneaked” into the speaker’s seat, Among’s supporters and detractors alike acknowledge that her actions have exacerbated her situation. They argue that the accusations against her, which are similar to those faced by other NRM and government officials, are disproportionately severe.

“Tell me who is clean in Museveni’s circle? Who doesn’t own a house or a bank account abroad? Why is it an issue with her, and not with others?” an MP asked rhetorically.

The answer, according to Dr Yusuf Serunkuma, a political pundit, lies in Among’s behavior.

“Many officials in Museveni’s government are corrupt, which even he admits; but the difference is they don’t flaunt their gains. Among, on the other hand, you’ve seen the massive house like a hotel she opened in her village with a big party. You’ve seen how she travels with two Mercedes. With such displays, she naturally attracts attacks from all directions,” Serunkuma explained.

His views align somewhat with those of David Lewis Rubongoya, the secretary general of the National Unity Platform, Uganda’s largest opposition party in parliament.

“The way she ousted Francis Zaake from the parliamentary commissioner role; mention her on social media and you risk arrest. She has stifled many MPs in parliament, dictates terms to the new Leader of Opposition about their staff. I don’t think we have ever had anyone like Anita Among; she combines a sick level of impunity with incompetence, and that’s why she draws so much ire,” Rubongoya stated.

Among and her supporters contend that the sanctions imposed against her—allegedly for misappropriating iron sheets intended for the people of Karamoja and owning a house and bank account in the United Kingdom, as mentioned in a recent letter from President Yoweri Museveni—were not due to corruption.

Instead, they argue, these sanctions were linked to her role in passing the Anti-Homosexuality Bill, now an Act. They believe the UK chose to frame the sanctions around corruption because this justification would be more widely accepted by the Ugandan public.

The Anti-Homosexuality Act enjoys broad support across Uganda’s political spectrum, and any sanctions against the speaker based on this law would be highly unpopular, her supporters say. Asuman Basalirwa, the MP for Bugiri municipality and sponsor of the Anti-Homosexuality private member’s bill that has since become law, also admits that the sanctions against Among stemmed from her firm stance on the legislation.

“These sanctions are not about iron sheets but, rather, the homosexuality law. I think the ministers, Agnes Nandutu and Mary Gorreti Kitutu, were just sacrificial lambs,” said Basalirwa.

However, even some supporters acknowledge that the speaker’s conduct provided her detractors with ammunition to target her.

“Regarding the homosexuality issue, the 9th Parliament under Rebecca Kadaga as speaker also passed the Anti-Homosexuality Act [which was later annulled by the court]. Why wasn’t Kadaga sanctioned? The answer is simple; Kadaga was more cautious in her conduct. She was also more popular with the public; so, there were fewer people pushing for sanctions against her,” an MP explained.

Despite this and a recent letter calling for her investigation, Among still retains President Museveni’s confidence. In fact, Ssemujju, while speaking on the Saturday political talk show on Capital radio, noted that the letter was not as detrimental as some think.

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