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@observer Wed, 21 Aug 2024 05:17:32

From grace to grass: The shifting political fortunes of Betty Nambooze

In the lead-up to the 2026 general elections, tensions within the National Unity Platform (NUP) in Mukono district are on the rise following the appointment of Betty Bakireke Nambooze as the mobilization chairperson. A group of NUP supporters, frustrated with Nambooze’s long tenure in parliament, openly called for her to step aside, urging her to make way for new leadership. Nambooze, who has served nearly four terms, has already announced her intention to run for the Mukono municipality seat again in 2026. However, her re-election bid faces significant challenges, particularly from George Musisi, a prominent NUP lawyer. Musisi’s close ties with NUP’s top leadership have reportedly put Nambooze on edge, leading her to take measures to reaffirm her loyalty to the party.“She now has to prove to the people at Kavule [NUP party headquarters] that she is a very loyal supporter,” one of Nambooze’s friends told us on the condition of anonymity.Recently, Nambooze surprised both supporters and critics by visiting the NUP headquarters in Makerere Kavule, where she presented a goat to party president Robert Kyagulanyi, also known as Bobi Wine. This gesture, seen by many as uncharacteristic, has fueled speculation about Nambooze’s vulnerability and her efforts to maintain favour with the party leadership amidst growing internal competition.Nambooze’s case represents a classic example of moving from grace to grass. In 2017, when Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu aimed to contest the Kyadondo East parliamentary seat, he visited Nambooze’s home in Mukono to seek her support. At that time, Nambooze was one of the most prominent politicians in Buganda and was torn between supporting the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) candidate, Apollo Kantinti, Dr. Lilian Babirye Kamoome, and Kyagulanyi. During the meeting, Kyagulanyi presented a gift of matooke and chicken, but Nambooze, undecided, promised to send scouts to gauge the popularity of the candidates within the constituency. Ultimately, she did not step in to support Kyagulanyi, Kantinti, or Babirye Kamoome. However, Kyagulanyi, who won the seat decisively, rose to become the most popular opposition leader in Uganda. In a dramatic turn of events, Nambooze crossed from the Democratic Party (DP), which she had once sought to lead, to the National Unity Platform (NUP) in 2020. By then, it was evident that NUP was poised to become the leading opposition party after the 2021 general elections. Despite her shift to NUP, Nambooze has consistently maintained that she may one day return to the DP, to which she has long been affiliated. According to former members of the People’s Government, which was led by Dr Kizza Besigye and formed after the 2016 presidential elections, Nambooze did not inform them when she joined the Kyagulanyi group in 2020. Nambooze had served as the spokesperson for the People’s Government.“She was our spokesperson during our discussions with NUP about collaborating for the 2021 elections. Before she left, she often made personal remarks and attributed them to the People’s Government. However, what hurt us the most was that she did not inform us of her departure in advance,” said one of the ministers from the People’s Government, who spoke on the condition of anonymity.LONG-TIME POLITICAL ALLIES SPLITWhen Nambooze was first elected to parliament in a by-election in 2009, she received support from all major opposition figures of the time. Among her most significant allies were Erias Lukwago, the Kampala lord mayor; Mathias Mpuuga, the Nyendo-Mukungwe MP; Medard Lubega Sseggona, the Busiro East MP; Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, the Kira Municipality MP; Muhammad Muwanga Kivumbi, the MP for Butambala county; and Moses Kasibante, the former MP for Lubaga North. This group had a particularly strong bond, and were elected together in 2011 under the banner of Ssuubi, a pro-Buganda pressure group. However, the rise of Kyagulanyi as a prominent political figure shifted the dynamics in Buganda. Before Kyagulanyi’s emergence, Nambooze and Lukwago were the most popular opposition politicians in the region. With NUP’s ascension as the largest opposition party, tensions increased, particularly as several members sought leadership positions, including the role of leader of the opposition (LoP). Mpuuga’s appointment as LoP created friction, especially with Nambooze, who felt sidelined.The situation worsened when Mpuuga facilitated the election of Muwanga Kivumbi as the chairperson of the Buganda Parliamentary Caucus, the largest regional caucus in parliament. Nambooze, who had been the deputy chairperson of the caucus in the 10th Parliament, was particularly aggrieved. According to one MP close to Nambooze, she never forgave Mpuuga for both his appointment as LoP and for preventing her from leading the Buganda caucus, which she had hoped to use to strengthen her support base in the region.MPUUGA SERVICE AWARD FIASCOThe controversy surrounding the service award presented by the Parliamentary Commission to four of its members, including Mathias Mpuuga, has stirred significant discord within the National Unity Platform (NUP). Following the public revelation of this award, Nambooze, a prominent NUP leader, was instrumental in a resolution calling for Mpuuga’s resignation. Since then, she has been vocal in condemning Mpuuga for accepting the award.Of the seven former Ssuubi members, only Nambooze and Muhammad Muwanga Kivumbi, who also aspired to become leader of the opposition (LoP), have publicly distanced themselves from Mpuuga. Both have endorsed the now nearly dead censure motion against him. While Muwanga Kivumbi attended an NUP rally in Masaka where Mpuuga was publicly criticized, he has largely refrained from direct attacks on Mpuuga. In contrast, Nambooze has consistently criticized Mpuuga, portraying him as a significant threat to the opposition. In various media statements, Nambooze has accused Mpuuga of undermining the opposition’s efforts against President Yoweri Museveni’s government. She argued that Mpuuga’s ambition to become a third force in Ugandan politics is a distraction from the primary struggle. “Some things are temporary; at this time, there are no three sides; we only have two sides: one for Museveni and the other for Ugandans striving to free themselves. Therefore, anybody seeking to create a third force is attempting to disorganize us and will not have the support of Ugandans,” Nambooze asserted.Nambooze’s ongoing criticism has drawn backlash from Moses Kasibante, who has accused her of hypocrisy and corruption despite her public stance against these issues.KASIBANTE CRITICIZES NAMBOOZE’S ANTI-CORRUPTION STANCEMoses Kasibante has sharply criticized Betty Bakireke Nambooze’s role as an anti-corruption advocate, citing her past legal issues. Speaking on Sanyuka TV, Kasibante remarked, “She has been convicted twice of corruption. She now can’t be the leading voice against corruption.”Kasibante referred to Nambooze’s early 2000s conviction while she was a law enforcement officer in Mukono district, where she was found guilty of accepting a bribe and subsequently served nearly a year in prison. He also pointed to a second conviction related to the age limit judgment in the Constitutional court. In that case, the late Justice Kenneth Kakuru accused Nambooze of lying about returning Shs 29 million that parliament had allocated to MPs for consultations on the contentious Age Limit Bill.Additionally, Kasibante criticized Nambooze’s political behaviour, alleging that she prioritizes her political interests over friendships. In a related interview, Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda reflected on the shifting dynamics within their group, attributing recent conflicts to the vulnerability of former allies. “In history, we learned about the rise and fall of personalities. That fall doesn’t mean you have done something wrong; it’s just natural,” Ssemujju said. He lamented that their group failed to anticipate changes in political influence and how it might affect their relationships. “Kintu Musoke, Bidandi Ssali, and Kirunda-Kivejinja remained friends despite disagreements because they were social friends, not just political ones. Our vulnerability has led us to take positions we should never have taken, resulting in contradictions and unnecessary conflicts. We are not as politically strong as we were in 2011 and 2016; so, the human instinct for survival drives us to do things we shouldn’t,” Ssemujju added.Nambooze did not respond to repeated calls and messages seeking her comment on these issues. {loadposition inarticle} 

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@observer Wed, 21 Aug 2024 05:05:43

Tamale Mirundi: the stubborn, sly and gifted orator I will miss

On August 13, JOSEPH TAMALE MIRUNDI, the former presidential press secretary and senior presidential advisor on media, died. He was an outspoken person, had an acidic tongue, and used persuasive language that endeared him to the masses. He also dared to delve into the untouchable issues. As long-time friend and colleague Siraje Lubwama writes, Mirundi was a polarising figure who was loved and loathed almost in equal measure.I came to know Tamale Mirundi in 1992 through my good friends Hussein Musa Njuki and Haruna Kanaabi, the respective editor-in-chief and news editor of the Wilson road-based Shariat weekly newsletter. He was a budding freelance journalist who wrote for mainly Munno newspaper, but once in a while transferred his stinging stories to Shariat.From the onset, Mirundi had the persona of a very independent person. He openly declared that he was never baptized, claiming that when his father took him to church to be baptized at the age of nine, he wrestled with the parish priest and ran away. I learnt that John Ssali, his elder brother, brought him to Kampala in 1979 and enrolled him at Kampala High School in S2. Even before completing S6, Mirundi was already a reporter for Munno, and during the NRM bush war, he got to interview key figures such as Gen Salim Saleh. When NRM came to power in 1986, the early founders of Utoda, the taxi operator in Kampala, patronised him as their de facto spokesperson whenever they ran into trouble. Mirundi never disappointed, and this gave him the platform to become a mouthpiece for several distressed entities and individuals in the city. Shortly after completing his Mass Communication degree at Makerere University in the early nineties, many of us were still comfortable with being employed, but Mirundi initiated two independent newspaper publications, The Voice and Lipoota.The papers only sold a few hundred copies on the streets of Kampala, but it was clear Mirundi was a man on an independent mission. He often despised us who were employed in formal media entities. He also took a pro-Buganda, anti-NRM stance that greatly endeared him to the ordinary folk.On two occasions in the nineties, Mirundi was elected Uganda Journalists Association (UJA) president, and in both terms, I served under him as publicity secretary.During a periodic press conference, Mirundi accused President Museveni of excluding Muslims from the human rights abuse inquiry, which Justice Arthur Order was chairing. In another press conference in the nineties, Mirundi staked and won Shs 1 million against Museveni when he predicted that the UPDF would not flush out Joseph Kony’s LRA in northern Uganda by 1997.After establishing himself as a popular panellist on various FM radio stations, especially CBS FM, he tried his luck to vie for a parliamentary seat in Kyotera in 2001. But by then, he had already stepped on several high-profile toes, and there was already a force to fight his ascendency.He lost to little-known Pius Mujuzi thanks largely to the influence of Gen. Elly Kayanja, whom Mirundi accused of using the UPDF to intimidate voters. Tamale and Kayanja later made peace. After burning his fingers in politics, Mirundi amplified his outspokenness and activism, and he got patronised by several leading politicians and businessmen.Jaberi Bidandi Ssali, then minister of Local Government, covertly backed him financially while businessman James Kibuuka Mulowooza bankrolled the publication of Murundi’s occasional ‘intelligence’ pamphlets disguised as books.JOINING THE STATEBy 2004, Mirundi’s stature had risen so high he had become the most sought-after panellist for political talk shows. He had the rare gift of simplifying complex historical, political, security and intelligence issues with similes easily discernible by ordinary folk. He, at times, used sexual innuendos. Where other panellists would be given a minute to talk, Mirundi’s time was always unlimited.However, Mirundi would soon fall out with the Buganda kingdom when he made a 180-degree turn to attack several kingdom officials, including the Kabaka. Rumours swirled that he had been ‘bought’ or become disillusioned, but Mirundi insisted he was speaking his mind.He also used his popularity to attack Dr Kizza Besigye and it didn’t come as a surprise in December, 2004, when President Museveni, at the urging of his principal private secretary, Amelia Kyambadde, appointed Mirundi deputy press secretary.He told me back then that as he was moving at Queen’s Way towards Katwe to meet Gen Henry Tumukunde and others comrades to discuss forming a political party when he was waylaid by security operatives who bundled him in a car and drove him to Rwakitura to meet President Museveni.“At Rwakitura, I asked him [Museveni] for money but he instead offered me a job I couldn’t resist,” he told me back then.That proved to be a turning point for Mirundi as he became the chief defender of President Museveni. Interestingly, in the course of acting as the president’s ‘barking dog,’ even several top-level government officials found themselves on the negative end of Mirundi’s acidic tongue. He openly harangued then vice president, Gilbert Bukenya, for being a womanizer. He labelled Gen Jim Muhwezi as the most corrupt person in Uganda. No one, even in government, was safe from Mirundi.So lethal was Mirundi’s tongue that many corrupt officials dreaded him knowing about their dealings. However, Mirundi made many of his utterances without clear evidence or proof. It also became clear that he was always being used in internal fights within government.In all this, it always intrigued me why no one took action against Mirundi’s often reckless utterances that had the power to change appointments or alter multibillion-dollar deals. He always confided in me that no Ugandan apart from President Museveni can take him on because “they all have skeletons in their closets.”The one person who dared to take him on was Charles Muganzi, the former Ministry of Works permanent secretary, who dragged him to court for defamation.According to reports, Mirundi settled the case out-of-court in 2012 for about Shs 150 million. Behind the scenes, however, Mirundi always had my best interests. He always shared intelligence information with me, especially in regards to Muslim arrests. He was always concerned about the government’s arbitrary arrest of Muslims.During the September 2009 Buganda riots, after the government stopped the katikkiro from visiting Kayunga, Tamale alerted me and fellow panellists on Radio Simba’s Gasimbagane ne Banamawulire about an impending raid by security operatives to arrest us on air. We escaped through the windows and narrowly avoided arrest.LEAVING STATE HOUSEIn 2015, President Museveni, under immense pressure from close associates, relieved Mirundi of his position as press secretary. The machinations that led to this are still debatable to this day, but Mirundi was never the same.Whereas State House continued to offer education scholarships to his children, Mirundi felt betrayed and spent the rest of his life lamenting about the circumstances that led to his sacking. Mirundi’s ouster from the State House greatly broke him down, to the extent that he frequently had confused perspectives of the government.He often said that a group of thieves and self-seekers surrounded a good man in President Museveni. Some of the people he attacked relentlessly were Odrek Rwabwogo, Andrew Mwenda, Col Edith Nakalema, and Gen. Nalweyiso.GUN FOR HIRE?For all his influence, Mirundi spent the last few years of his life as a downgraded version of his former self. The Mirundi, who used to turn tables and influence decisions in key government boardrooms with a single utterance on radio, was reduced to providing comic relief for social media enthusiasts.It also became evident that his love for the bottle, or simply alcoholism, was taking a toll on him as he reduced himself to sometimes uttering vulgar statements in a bid to stay relevant in media circles.At the time of his death, his influence had greatly waned, and it had become a public secret that Mirundi was a sure-fire gun for hire for influential people to settle political and personal scores. lubwamasiraje@gmail.com {loadposition inarticle}

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@observer Wed, 21 Aug 2024 05:27:07

Katabi landfill overwhelmed: residents flee huge stench

As one approaches the Katabi garbage dumping landfill, they are greeted by a steady stream of rubbish trucks arriving from Kampala and Wakiso, all eager to deposit their waste and fulfill their daily quotas. This influx of trucks, which service the landfill spanning over 14 acres, has significantly impacted the surrounding community, leading to a pervasive and unpleasant odor caused by the mix of biodegradable and non-biodegradable waste. The move to Katabi comes in the wake of a devastating landfill disaster at Kiteezi, which resulted in the deaths of over 35 people and left 28 others presumed missing as search and recovery efforts continue, according to police reports. When The Observer contacted Entebbe Municipality mayor Fabrice Rulinda to inquire about any agreements with KCCA regarding waste disposal, he stated, “The relief agreement we provided to KCCA for waste dumping is set to end on Monday, August 19, 2024. After this date, KCCA will need to identify alternative locations for disposing of excess waste.” Rulinda further explained, “Dumping sites present numerous issues, such as the risk of birds entering plane engines and causing aeronautical accidents. For this reason, we granted KCCA temporary relief. Once this period ends, they will need to secure a more suitable dumping site while addressing the aftermath of the Kiteezi landfill disaster.” Discussing effective strategies for managing plastic waste, Mayor Fabrice Rulinda emphasized the importance of educating the public on separating plastic waste from biodegradable waste. He also advocated for the establishment of recycling plants that can process waste or convert it into energy. Regarding the temporary relocation of waste dumping to Katabi, Daniel Muhumuza Nuweabine, head of Public Relations at Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA), explained, “KCCA reallocated the dumping of garbage to Katabi landfill in Entebbe due to the challenges faced with the Kiteezi landfill. The Kiteezi landfill served not only Kampala but also areas such as Wakiso, Mukono, and Kasangati. Moving to Entebbe aims to alleviate the burden on the community. While there is an agreement that expires on August 19, 2024, discussions with Entebbe municipality are ongoing to explore the possibility of continuing waste disposal at Katabi.” Muhumuza also highlighted KCCA’s strategic decision to establish a recycling plant. This initiative is intended to break down waste and generate energy, with the goal of improving waste management in the near future. GARBAGE TRUCK DRIVERS SPEAK OUT In an interview, Emmanuel Adriko, a garbage truck driver with Armstrong Global Solutions Limited, reported that he arrived at the Katabi landfill at 6am. on a Thursday. He noted that the road leading to the dumping site was blocked, and the recent ban imposed by the mayor of Entebbe municipality on landfill access had caused significant delays. “The blockage and the mayor’s actions have left many trucks stuck in line, as there are no alternative places for us to dump the waste,” Adriko said. Muhammad Muwanje, a driver with KCCA, echoed similar concerns. He described the situation at the Katabi landfill, stating that the blocked road had led to a chaotic scene with trucks queuing for extended periods. “Despite the relief agreement from Entebbe municipality allowing us to dump waste, the roadblock has caused considerable commotion and lengthy delays,” Muwanje explained. KATABI RESIDENTS SPEAK OUT In interviews with residents of Katabi, several expressed concerns about the impact of the temporary relocation of garbage to their area following the Kiteezi landfill disaster. Enoch Kyagulanyi shared with The Observer, “Since the garbage was redirected to Katabi, our community has been suffering from air pollution. The trucks carrying the waste produce a foul smell, making the air we breathe filthy.” He further noted, “The increased dumping has contaminated local wells that provide our drinking water and has diminished the quality of fish in nearby ponds.” Kyagulanyi also pointed out that the surge in garbage trucks has caused significant road blockages, affecting movement within the community. “The growing volume of waste at the Katabi landfill could eventually lead to some rubbish being dumped into the lake, potentially contaminating the water that many Ugandans rely on. It is crucial for the government to develop a more effective strategy for managing both plastic and biodegradable waste,” he added. Vincent Nsubuga, a shopkeeper in Katabi, reported that the influx of garbage has driven some residents away. “The increase in rubbish dumping has caused a terrible smell that is driving tenants out of rental properties. This has led to loss of clients for rental house owners,” Nsubuga explained. ECONOMIC UPSIDES OF INCREASED WASTE AT KATABI LANDFILL While many residents of Katabi view the recent surge in garbage trucks as an inconvenience, some have found economic opportunities in the increased waste. Alex Kisekka, who operates a plastic recycling business near the Katabi landfill, explained, “Before the Kiteezi landfill disaster, I used to collect only six tonnes of plastic each week, which I sold to Chinese factories for recycling. Since the disaster, the amount of plastic collected has expanded to 10 tonnes per week, leading to increased profits and more job opportunities in the community.” Yusuf Nsubuga, another resident engaged in the plastic recycling sector, noted, “The percentage of plastics and boxes I collect has drastically increased due to the Kiteezi disaster. Previously, I would visit Katabi once or twice a week to gather plastics, but now I come every day to collect plastics and used boxes. This has been beneficial for my business.” HOW OTHER COUNTRIES MANAGE PLASTIC WASTE Plastic waste remains a significant challenge for Uganda, but lessons can be learned from other countries that have implemented effective waste management strategies. Rwanda has adopted some of the most comprehensive waste management practices in Africa. The country has enacted strict laws banning non-biodegradable plastics, significantly reducing environmental pollution. The Rwandan government also invests in public awareness campaigns to educate citizens about the dangers of plastic waste and the benefits of eco-friendly alternatives, such as paper bags. Additionally, Rwanda has introduced innovative methods to manage biodegradable waste, such as the waste-to-energy initiative, which converts organic waste into biogas. This renewable energy source is particularly valuable in rural areas. South Africa also offers a successful model for waste management through its partnerships with the private sector and non-governmental organizations. The government’s Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) programs require manufacturers and importers of plastic productsto take responsibility for the entire lifecycle of their products, including post-consumer waste. This approach has led to increased investment in recycling infrastructure and encouraged companies to design products that are easier to recycle and have a lower environmental impact. Singapore addresses its plastic waste challenges with advanced waste-to-energy technology. The country incinerates plastic waste at specialized plants that convert the waste into electric energy. This method helps manage waste effectively and prevents landfills from becoming overloaded. The recent disaster at the Kiteezi landfill underscores the need for Uganda to enhance its waste management strategies. This includes strengthening legislation and developing recycling facilities to handle the increasing volume of waste at landfills such as Kiteezi and Katabi. By adopting proven strategies from other countries, Uganda can better manage its waste and mitigate the risk of environmental and societal disasters. {loadposition inarticle} 

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@observer Wed, 21 Aug 2024 04:00:51

Alcohol Control Bill rejected: Key reasons behind parliament’s decision

On November 14, 2023, parliament rejected the Alcoholic Drinks Control Bill, 2023, primarily due to its failure to clearly define the specific issues it aimed to address. The bill, introduced by Tororo district Woman MP Sarah Opendi Achieng, sought to regulate various aspects of the alcoholic drinks industry, including the manufacture, importation, sale, consumption and advertisement of alcoholic beverages. It also proposed restrictions on the sale of alcohol, including the prohibition of online sales and the ban on selling alcoholic drinks in sachets and plastic bottles. The legislative journey of the bill began on November 8, 2022, when Opendi was granted leave by the Ugandan parliament to introduce it. Despite the bill’s progress to its first reading, it initially faced a procedural hurdle: the absence of a certificate of financial implication from the ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development. Such a certificate is typically required for any bill that may have financial implications for the state. The ministry’s refusal to issue this certificate posed a challenge, but Speaker Anita Among invoked Section 76(4) of the Public Finance Management Act, 2015, to allow the bill to proceed. The bill was then referred to the committees on Health, Tourism, Trade, and Industry for detailed examination. Subsequently, the ministry of Finance issued the necessary certificate of financial implications. The Committee on Trade, Tourism, and Industry, led by its chairperson Sylvia Nayebale, undertook a comprehensive review of the bill, which included public consultations with 30 key stakeholders from the sector. These stakeholders included the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA), Uganda Alcohol Industry Association (UAIA), Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA), Uganda Alcoholic Policy Alliance, Uganda Retailers and Wholesalers Association, Uganda Police Force, Kampala City Traders Association (KACITA), and the ministry of Health, among others. Despite these efforts, parliament ultimately rejected the bill, citing its lack of clarity in addressing the underlying issues it sought to resolve. COMMITTEE OBSERVATIONS The committee observed that clause 1(b) of the Alcoholic Drinks Control Bill does not apply to the sale of native alcohol for domestic use and traditional ceremonies, which poses a risk of increasing illicit trade in the alcohol industry—a sector where illicit alcohol already accounts for about 65% of the total consumption in Uganda. The concern is that illicit alcohol, often disguised as homebrew intended for personal use, is instead being sold to the public. MPs noted that the exclusion of native liquor intended for domestic use or traditional ceremonies from regulation is counterproductive. By not addressing illicit alcohol, which includes native liquor, the bill undermines the formal alcohol industry. Unlike the illicit trade, the formal sector is already regulated by the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) for taxes, the Uganda National Bureau of Standards (UNBS) for quality standards, and local authorities for trading licenses. The committee further highlighted that various types of licenses are issued based on factors such as the place of sale, purpose of sale, and type of alcoholic drink sold. These licenses include the general retail alcoholic license, the brewers’ alcoholic drinks license, the wholesale alcoholic drink license, and the distributors’ alcoholic drinks license. MPs argued that requiring an additional specific payment for the alcoholic drinks license could lead to double taxation on businesses. “Clause 14 seeks to regulate the time of sale of alcoholic drinks on different days. The committee was informed by stakeholders that the restriction on hours of sale may have adverse effects on revenue collection and tax contribution to the economy because bars rely on the sale of alcoholic drinks to generate income, and the sales peak during late-night hours, which is past the 10PM hour compared to any other time of the day,” MPs stated. They also pointed out that restricting sales hours could impact sales volumes, which would ultimately reduce the demand for raw materials, such as sorghum, barley, millet and cassava, that are used in alcohol production. COMMITTEE CONCERNS The committee expressed concerns about the potential rise in illicit trade, drawing parallels to the increase in black-market activity and corruption observed during the Covid-19 lockdown. They argued that restrictions on the sale of alcoholic drinks, particularly outside stipulated hours, could create opportunities for cartels and illegal businesses to thrive as people seek to access alcohol beyond the regulated times. Additionally, the committee highlighted the potential negative impact on Uganda’s tourism sector. They argued that the proposed restrictions could make Uganda less attractive to inbound tourists, many of whom visit the country for leisure. Limiting their ability to enjoy the night economy and Uganda’s cultural heritage could diminish the overall tourist experience. “Limiting the time of sale may not necessarily translate into people drinking less; thus, the clause will be redundant. High consumption of alcohol may not be tied to the amount of time spent drinking,” the MPs observed. The committee also scrutinized clause 27 of the bill, which sought to regulate the packaging of alcoholic drinks to a minimum of 500 millilitres. They noted that this clause conflicts with the Weights and Measures Rules 2020, which allow alcohol to be packaged in containers as small as 200 millilitres. “The purpose of the bill is to, among other things, control excessive or high consumption of alcohol. Therefore, increasing the packaging size to 500ml could actually lead to greater alcohol consumption. This clause seems to promote excess consumption rather than supporting smaller, more controlled packaging,” the report stated. The committee further criticized the bill for lacking clarity on its primary objectives. “The Bill does not clearly state the problem it is trying to address. It is crucial to identify the specific issue the bill aims to resolve. Additionally, there is a question of whether the proposed regulation is the most appropriate action under the circumstances. The bill also fails to address how it plans to eliminate illicit trade in alcoholic drinks,” the MPs noted in their report. COMMITTEE RECOMMENDATIONS The committee concluded that the bill, in its current form, fails to address critical issues such as illicit trade in alcoholic drinks, alcohol abuse, quality control, enforcement mechanisms, personal freedoms, and the economic impact and efficacy of such controls within the alcohol industry. “The bill should focus on regulating all alcohol production and consumption without exempting any category, including unregulated homemade and traditional brews (native alcohol). Failing to regulate home brews and traditional brews will worsen the challenges associated with illicit alcohol, which is not subject to production standards and is often unfit for human consumption,” the MPs emphasized. The committee pointed out that while the bill was expected to address the regulatory gaps left by the repeal of the Enguli (Manufacture and Licensing) Act, Cap. 86, and the Liquor Act, Cap. 93—specifically in regulating the manufacture, sale, and consumption of native alcohol—it instead seeks to exempt the manufacture and consumption of illicit or native alcoholic drinks for domestic use from legal oversight. “The Committee received substantial proposed amendments to the Bill from stakeholders that, if adopted, would have significant economic implications and fundamentally alter the nature of the Bill. However, as this is a private member’s bill, the committee is limited in its ability to consider amendments that would impose a financial charge on the consolidated fund,” the committee noted. The committee ultimately recommended that the August House should not proceed with the motion for second reading of the Alcoholic Drinks (Control) Bill. STAKEHOLDERS IN THE ALCOHOL SECTOR SPEAK OUT Emmanuel Njuki, the country lead for legal and corporate affairs at Nile Breweries Limited, expressed satisfaction with parliament’s decision, stating, “We are very happy about parliament’s decision. We believe and have argued that while we welcome regulation as a sector, the bill was not the right tool to do it.” Njuki emphasized that the bill would have hindered the regulated alcohol sector, which accounts for only 35% of the market, while allowing the illicit alcohol market to thrive. “We are happy that the joint trade and health committees acknowledged the problem of illicit alcohol, which is the major cause of harmful effects to consumers because it’s not standardized or regulated,” he noted. He further called on the government to collaborate with industry players in addressing the issue of illicit alcohol, stating, “Given the recent legislative decision, which we applaud, we call on the government to work with us in finding a solution to the problem of illicit alcohol. The results will be immense: a healthier community of people who choose to consume alcohol, and growing revenue for the government since most illicit alcohol doesn’t pay taxes either.” Jackie Tahakanizibwa, chairperson of the Uganda Alcohol Industry Association (UAIA), also supported parliament’s decision, saying, “As a sector, we are agreeable to the recommendations by the Joint Committee of Trade and Health and the decision by parliament not to proceed with the bill. The outcome was just and objective, based on empirical evidence, not emotions.” Tahakanizibwa pointed out that the bill in its current form fails to address critical issues such as illicit alcohol, alcohol abuse, enforcement mechanisms, quality controls, personal freedoms, and the economic implications. “However, we reiterate our position that we are open to regulation as a sector, but such regulation should be fair, balanced, and workable.” She concluded by stressing the need for clarity in the bill’s objectives: “We need to be very clear on the problem the bill is intending to solve and then come up with workable solutions. The current bill is not very clear on the objective, thus the contradictions we see in the proposed clauses. We are open to collaborating with the government to come up with appropriate regulations for the sector, the ones that will address the real issue of illicit alcohol that is currently sitting at 65% market share.” {loadposition inarticle}

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@observer Wed, 21 Aug 2024 04:50:57

Tayebwa warns: Government money is also stolen legally

Speaking to youths at the Ndere Cultural Centre last week, Deputy Speaker of Parliament Thomas Tayebwa emphasized that the fight against corruption should address not only the illicit theft of money but also the legitimate misuse of funds, such as penalties and interest payments resulting from delays in paying contractors. Tayebwa made these remarks during a “fireplace conversation” with young people from various political parties, an initiative established by Bernard Odoi Onen, the Youth MP for the Eastern region, to facilitate open dialogue between youth and their leaders. His comments come amid increasing public scrutiny of parliament over al- legations of widespread corruption and misappropriation of public funds. Currently, five MPs are facing corruption charges: Cissy Namujju, the Lwengo district woman MP; Paul Akamba, the Busiki MP; Yusuf Mutembuli, the Bunyole East MP; Mawanda Michael Maranga, the Igara East MP; and Wamakuyu Ignatius Mudimi, the Elgon legislator. “You might have problems with parliament, but never kill parliament because one day you will need it,” Tayebwa advised the youth. According to the budget for the financial year 2024/2025, the government has allocated Shs 9 trillion for interest payments to the country’s creditors, including the World Bank, the Exim Bank of China, and commercial banks. This allocation highlights a significant increase in interest payments over recent years. In the previous two financial years, interest payments surged by 1.42 trillion shillings ($375.8 million), rising from 4.69 trillion shillings ($1.23 billion) in FY 2022/23 to 6.112 trillion shillings ($1.6 billion) in 2023/24. Corruption in Uganda, characterized by bribes, nepotism, embezzlement, and other illicit financial flows, has severely impacted public service delivery and resulted in substantial financial losses. The Inspectorate of Government estimates that Uganda loses approximately Shs 10 trillion annually due to corruption-related activities. This widespread corruption has undermined trust in the government, led to deteriorating infrastructure, caused delays in project implementation, discouraged investments, compromised social services, and, in severe cases, resulted in loss of life. The Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2023 reflects the severity of the issue, ranking Uganda 141st out of 180 countries with a score of only 26. The CPI measures perceived levels of public sector corruption globally, where zero indicates a highly corrupt state and 100 represents a very clean one. “Personally, I don’t want to look at corruption merely from an aspect of money that is being stolen, money lost illegitimately. There is also money the government loses legitimately, and it is higher than the one which is stolen, but because it is formally and legitimately lost, you don’t complain about it,” Tayebwa remarked. He noted that the government incurs a daily loss of Shs 285 million in interest and penalties paid to contractors of the Uganda National Roads Authority (Unra) due to delays in payments. Last year alone, Shs 26 billion was paid to Unra as penalties for late payments to contractors. This constitutes a legitimate financial loss that remains unaccounted for, with no individuals held responsible. This issue is not confined by Unra, similar problems extend to other entities under the ministry of Water and Environment. Additionally, loans from as far back as 2010, which are performing at only 30%, continue to accrue interest. This interest, a statutory obligation, must be paid before any funds can be allocated for essential services such as medicines. The burden of these payments is growing, further straining the government’s budget. He emphasized that the error of overlooking such issues is over. Those in positions of authority must no longer passively watch as the government incurs losses that affect taxpayers. Instances where employees demand kickbacks for decision-making have led to substantial financial losses for the government. Individuals caught engaging in such practices will be held accountable, facing not only compensation for the losses incurred but also potential loss of their positions. {loadposition inarticle}

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@observer Wed, 21 Aug 2024 03:32:29

Households in refugee-hosting communities become self-reliant

In the Rwamwanja refugee settlement, Kamwenge district, over 10,000 poor refugee and Ugandan households have transitioned from conditions of food insecurity and fragile livelihoods to self-reliance and resilience. The AVSI foundation, with funding from the USAID Office of Food for Peace, has implemented a seven-year activity program named Graduation to Resilience to achieve this. Using a ‘’Woman Plus Household Approach’’ and targeting chronically food insecure households with the capacity to engage in productive activities, the program built confidence, increased capabilities, and changed the behaviour of women and household members in such a way as to improve household food availability levels and nutritional status of household members as well as the economic status of the households. According to Rita Larok, the chief of party, Graduating to Resilience activity, 6,747 refugee households and 6,933 Ugandan households received regular and structured coaching, consumption support, livelihoods training, savings through village savings and loan associations, asset transfer for income generation, and skill-based technical training in enterprise selection, planning management, farming agronomic skills, and financial literacy. “This program has used a graduation approach, meaning participants went through a sequence of tailored multi-sectoral groups of activities. At the time of their enrollment, the participants were living in extreme poverty. So one of the first things we would do was build a business and household plan that targets getting them out of extreme poverty.” She added that most households lacked assets such as cash flow to finance their businesses. They provided them with $300 to help them start their businesses or expand an already existing one. However, due to the risk of most participants’ businesses collapsing before their first anniversary, they received additional business coaching in areas such as bookkeeping, customer care, and financial record management, with the aim of ensuring their long-term survival. “But beyond all of this, one of the main components that we started with is life coaching, where there is an individual attached to each household to help them with planning skills, life skills, parenting, and gender skills. So the course basically reinforced technical skills and life skills so that these households can move their way out of poverty,” Larok said. During the activity’s marketplace event in Kampala recently, which showcased its seven-year journey by featuring a set of booths designed to teach people about the activity from design to implementation through tools, materials, interactions, and experiences, the USA ambassador to Uganda, William Popp, said over 80 per cent of the 13,600 refugee and Ugandan households who went through the program successfully graduated from poverty to a more self-reliant situation, 96 per cent of the children had enough food to eat, and 99 per cent of the households ate a balanced diet. Additionally, Popp said the activity went far beyond participants’ basic needs, with 96 per cent of the women participants feeling they were more confident in achieving the future they wanted for themselves and their families, and 87 per cent of businesses were diversified, thereby generating over $1.8 million in cumulative savings. “The most inspiring aspect of this activity is the changes we have seen in the lives of Ugandan and refugee women, children, and families who participated in it. Participating Ugandan communities came together to help people who have been traumatised by war and forced to flee their homes,” he said. “As we celebrate the above achievements, we hope that development partners and implementers will use this experience to shape and scale programming in refugee settlements and host communities to tackle poverty and food insecurity.” jjingoernest1@gmail.com {loadposition inarticle}

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@observer Wed, 21 Aug 2024 03:36:03

Kyambogo in Shs 5.6 billion arrears for its part-time staff

With part-time staff forming a significant portion of the teaching workforce at Kyambogo University, the 21-year-old public institution is struggling to clear their arrears amounting to Shs 5.6bn, writes YUDAYA NANGONZI. Kyambogo University vice chancellor Prof Eli Katunguka largely attributed the current financial strain to low tuition fees, significantly affecting the university’s ability to meet its financial obligations. During a media briefing at Kyambogo last week, Katunguka said part-time lecturers, who play a crucial role in the university’s academic programs, have gone for some months without pay. He, however, said efforts are underway to address the issue, including seeking additional funding from the government and exploring alternative revenue streams. “The part-time staff have been teaching but not being paid. The university spends at least Shs 18bn annually on part-time lecturers which is deducted from the non-wage component of our budget. This eats into the university’s finances but there’s nothing we can do because we must do the teaching and learning,” Katunguka said. He urged the government to extend more resources to the university to recruit more permanent staff, especially in senior positions and key disciplines such as engineering and science to close the gap of part-time staff. According to the new staff structure at Kyambogo, the university teaching staff establishment was raised to 1,281. Unfortunately, there are only 404 full-time staff. Katunguka argued that this was a big staffing gap at the level of a university. “We are operating at the level of 31.5%. That is very low. You can arguably say that the level of interaction between the full-time members of staff and the students is not as is required.” To fill the gaps, the university has resorted to reliance on more than 500 part-time staff who are paid outside the wage allocation for the university of Shs 67bn. LOW STAFFING Kyambogo is required to have about 63 full professors but they have been operating with only five professors in the last 10 years. Katunguka noted that when he joined the institution, he was, at one point, the only full-time professor. At the level of associate professors, there must be 113 staff but only 23 are in service. Senior lecturers are supposed to be 206 but the university has only 62. Lecturers are 176 instead of the approved 312, The assistant lecturers who mainly teach diplomas and some bachelor’s students must be 276 but there are 138 only. The university lacks people in senior academic positions like professors, associate professors and senior lecturers. Yet, this academic year 2024/25, the university has admitted 17,333 students that have been distributed in its 100 undergraduate and 76 graduate programs. KYAMBOGO FEES AT A GLANCE The university has identified low tuition fees as a key factor in its financial woes. Katunguka said despite the increasing cost of education and inflation, the fees have remained stagnant for years, leaving the university with limited revenue. Kyambogo last reviewed its fees in 2009. The administration has reviewed fees to enable the university to generate enough income to pay part-time staff and maintain academic standards. “I constituted a committee to review the fees and they have presented their report. A comprehensive review will not happen this year but, maybe, next year, because we cannot continue operating at this rate. Our fees are laughable and somebody can ask you what quality of education you are giving at that cost,” Katunguka said, insisting that Kyambogo is the cheapest public university. He added that benchmarks were done in Ugandan and East African universities while students will soon be engaged on the need to increase fees. So far, increments affecting the current first-year students have been effected in some schools and faculties like the School of Management and Entrepreneurship [from Shs 700,00 to Shs 1m] and the Built Environment from Shs 1.5m to about Shs 2m. This move, however, is being contested by the guild leadership. Currently, a two-year diploma program in the faculty of science ranges from Shs 420,000 to Shs 472,000 per semester while bachelors cost Shs 840,000 to Shs 1.8m. In engineering, a diploma program ranges from Shs 600,000 to Shs 850,000 per semester while degree programs range from Shs 1m to Shs 1.4m. In arts and humanities, the diplomas cost Shs 420,000 and bachelors range from Shs 900,000 to Shs 1.05m. In Special Needs Education, the diplomas are as low as Shs 350,000 and Shs 630,000 to Shs 910,000 for bachelors. A degree in Education is priced at about Shs 420,000 to Shs 770,000. The university’s Institute of Distance Education charges Shs 168,000 for in-service diploma programs. nangonzi@observer.ug {loadposition inarticle}

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